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43.Журнал Сибирского федерального университета. Сер. Гуманитарные науки №5 2013

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Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис»
Æóðíàë Ñèáèðñêîãî ôåäåðàëüíîãî óíèâåðñèòåòà
2013
Journal of Siberian Federal University
6 (5)
Ãóìàíèòàðíûå íàóêè
Humanities & Social Sciences
Редакционный совет:
академик РАН Е.А. Ваганов
академик РАН И.И. Гительзон
академик РАН А.Г. Дегерменджи
академик РАН В.Ф. Шабанов
чл.-корр. РАН, д-р физ.-мат. наук
В.Л. Миронов
чл.-корр. РАН, д-р техн. наук
Г.Л. Пашков
чл.-корр. РАН, д-р физ.-мат. наук
В.В. Шайдуров
чл.-корр. РАН, д-р физ.-мат. наук
В.В. Зуев
Editorial Advisory Board
Chairman
Eugene A. Vaganov
Members:
Josef J. Gitelzon
Vasily F. Shabanov
Andrey G. Degermendzhy
Valery L. Mironov
Gennady L. Pashkov
Vladimir V. Shaidurov
Vladimir V. Zuev
Editorial Board:
Editor-in-Chief
Mikhail I. Gladyshev
Founding Editor
Vladimir I. Kolmakov
Managing Editor
Olga F. Alexandrova
Executive Editor
for Humanities & Social Sciences
Natalia P. Koptseva
CONTENTS / ÑÎÄÅÐÆÀÍÈÅ
Galina N. Varavina
The Yakut Evens’ Culture of Calendar Holidays: Traditions and
Modernity (Symbolism of Rituals)
– 629 –
Sardana I. Sharina
Dialects of Even Language: Research Status and Classification
– 641 –
Cyril N. Struchkov
On Functioning of Yakut Borrowings in the Language of the
Evenki in the Amur Region (Sociolinguistic Aspect)
– 647 –
Ekaterina A. Krivoshapkina
From the History of Publication of Educational Materials on
Even Language
– 653 –
Varvara G. Belolyubskaya
Cosmogonic Motifs in Folklore of the Evens
– 660 –
Antonina A. Vinokurova
Stanzaic Forms in Evenki Poetry (the Example of V. Lebedev`s
Works) as a Result of Educational Practice
– 664 –
Tamara E. Andreeva
On the œYukteB Pilot Project œEvenki Language at School:
Teaching Techniques, Information Technologies and Experience
ExchangeB
– 671 –
Elida S. Atlasova
Verb Classes in the Yukagir Language
– 676 –
Компьютерная верстка Е.В. Гревцовой
Подписано в печать 24.05.2013 г. Формат 84x108/16. Усл. печ. л. 11,9.
Уч.-изд. л. 11,4. Бумага тип. Печать офсетная. Тираж 1000 экз. Заказ 1984.
Отпечатано в ПЦ БИК. 660041 Красноярск, пр. Свободный, 82а.
Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис»
Consulting Editors
for Humanities & Social Sciences:
Gershon M. Breslavs
Sergey V. Deviatkin
Sergey A. Drobyshevsky
Sergey M. Geraschenko
Oleg M. Gotlib
Boris I. Khasan
Galina A. Kopnina
Natalia V. Kovtun
Aleksandr A. Kronik
Pavel V. Mandryka
Boris V. Markov
Valentin G. Nemirovsky
Daniel V. Pivovarov
Andrey V. Smirnov
Viktor I. Suslov
Evgeniya V. Zander
Igor S. Pyzhev
Vladimir I. Suprun
Liudmila V. Kulikova
Olga G. Smolyaninova
Nicolai N. Petro
Dr. Suneel Kumar
Sargylana D. Vinokurova
Somatic Lexicon in Folklore and Toponyms of the Evenks
– 702 –
Grigory D. Belolyubskiy
On the Ethnonym &Even[
– 707 –
Antonina G. Koerkova
From the Historiography of the Kamchatka Evens
– 713 –
Ailana K. Kuzhuget
Folk Culture as a National Idea of the Tyva Republic
– 720 –
Nikolay V. Abaev
Geopolitical and Ethnocultural Aspects of Russian Border Area
Regional Security under the Circumstances of Socio-Cultural
Transit of Eurasian Civilization
– 724 –
Alina A. Nakhodkina
Lexical Gaps of Kinship in the Yakut Heroic Epic Olonkho:
Problems of Translation
– 735 –
Свидетельство о регистрации СМИ
ПИ № ФС77-28-723 от 29.06.2007 г.
Zoya S. Zhirkova
Designing School Development of е!3 Indigenous Smallnumbered Peoples of the North
– 742 –
Серия включена в «Перечень ведущих рецензируемых научных журналов и изданий, в которых должны
быть опубликованы основные научные результаты диссертации на
соискание ученой степени доктора и
кандидата наук» (редакция 2010 г.)
Zoya E. Tarasova
Translation of the Sakha (Yakut) Culture-Specific Vocabulary
into English
– 748 –
Sergey N. Postnikov and Alena V. Andrienko
Educational Technology of B.I. Vershinin: the Content and
Features
– 754 –
Natalia P. Koptseva
The Results of Theoretical and Experimental Research of the
Modern Problems of the Indigenous Small-Numbered Peoples
of the North, Siberia and the Far East in Siberian Federal
University
– 762 –
Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис»
Journal of Siberian Federal University. Humanities & Social Sciences 5 (2013 6) 629-640
~~~
УДК 947.094.2/8:636(571.56)
The Yakut Evens’ Culture of Calendar Holidays:
Traditions and Modernity
(Symbolism of Rituals)
Galina N. Varavina*
Institute of Humanitarian Researches and Problems
of Indigenous Peoples of the North SA RAS
1 Petrovsky Str., Yakutsk, Respublika Sakha (Yakutia), 677007 Russia
Received 20.12.2012, received in revised form 27.02.2013, accepted 26.04.2013
The article is devoted to the celebration of the ritual of the indigenous peoples of the North, Siberia
and the Far East. The author examines in detail the ritual symbolism of the Even ethno-cultural groups
residing in the Republic of Sakha (Yakutia). In the celebrations and ceremonies Evens manifest the
ancient cultures of the people associated with the worship of Mother Nature, Fire, sacred animals.
Keywords: Evens, holidays, rituals, calendar, indigenous peoples of the North, Siberia and the Far
East.
The work was fulfilled within the framework of the research financed by the Krasnoyarsk Regional
Foundation of Research and Technology Development Support and in accordance with the course
schedule of Siberian Federal University as assigned by the Ministry of Education and Science of the
Russian Federation.
Ritual holiday activity of indigenous
peoples of the North (the Evens in particular)
was performed in the most crucial periods of
alternations of the seasons: in the periods of
nature’s birth, bloom, fading away and rebirth.
Symbolic features of these turning points were
reflected in the meaning of calendar rituals and
holidays. The idea of nature’s beginning and end,
fading away and rebirth, its continuity is common
and uniting for rituals and holidays of a full-year
cycle.
The Evens’ traditional calendar holidays, as
well as the ones of the other peoples of the North,
were connected with transitional cycles between
*
warm and cold periods, the end of one cycle and
the beginning of another, “aging” and “renewal”.
“Reflection of time in nature, consecutive change
of seasons and celestial bodies’ movements …
were perceived as signs of a life process analogous
to a human’s one and connected with it” (L’vova,
Oktiabr’skaia, Sagalaev, Usmanova 1988, p. 45).
Each of these sources is counterbalanced by
a period of time with seemingly opposite signs.
These are, first of all, morning – evening and
spring – autumn. The main characteristic feature
of morning and spring as well as of evening
and autumn is a change of quality. Spring and
morning, autumn and evening are transitional
© Siberian Federal University. All rights reserved
Corresponding author E-mail address: varavina1982@mail.ru
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Galina N. Varavina. The Yakut Evens’ Culture of Calendar Holidays: Traditions and Modernity
periods of time. In mythological tradition they
are associated with qualitative changes of the
world: the world awakes (= comes into being)
and falls asleep (= dies). Time when the state of
everything alive changes can be called an open
time, probability time. Changing weather, sharp
temperature fluctuations and other manifestations
of instability predetermined a special attitude to
spring and autumn months (Ibid., p. 46).
The Evens’ calendar rituals and holidays
were usually timed to crisis moments of a natural
cycle: appearance of vegetation, migration of
birds, spring solstice, etc. Natural rhythms
such as alterations of the seasons, sunrise and
sunset, alterations of the phases of the Moon
programmed the society’s life activity. Humans
actually synchronized their activity with
natural rhythms. Moreover, they backed this
harmonization with rituals (Ibid., p. 50). A set of
the Evens’ holidays and rituals, connected with
spring and summer awakening of nature, serves
a good example of this. It should be noted that
such semiotic oppositions as “morning – spring”
and certain parameters of mythic time are viewed
as the beginning of life. “People’s ritual actions
and prayers manifested the opening of the closed,
spreading out the involute, melting of the frozen”
(Ibid., p. 46).
The Evens had a very old tradition to organize
clan families’ meetings in spring, the period of
nature awakening (Alekseev 2003, p. 78). This
information is mentioned in I.A. Khudiakov’s
book, describing that in spring, when reindeer
started giving birth to their young reindeer, ‘rich’
Lamuts, who had large herds of deer, hurried
from winter seasonal work to summer places
called “chistaia”. “Chistaia” was the name of the
peak of some rocky river to which several dozens
of Lamuts came in summer. “The rich arrived in
early March or April while the poor came later.
So, a full meeting began in early May. The whole
period was a great occasion for Lamuts”. I.A.
Khudiakov mentions that the Lamuts had fun,
danced, sang songs, and played games. They also
told each other “fairy tales with songs, improvised
poems in honour of the mountain spirits, the rich
and the beauties” (Khudiakov 1969, p. 100).
At that period of time this meeting holiday
undoubtedly took a special place in the Evens’
life. They prepared for it long before it began. The
girls started embroidering aprons (neleks), caftan
coats (naimi) and bonnet-like hats from yellowish
smoky or white rovdugas with beads and reindeer
neck hair (chibyna) in winter and did it by a faint
light of a fire. Such annual meeting holidays gave
nomadic families, patronymias and numerous
clans from different places the opportunity to
exchange information and communicate. Thus,
they maintained the Evens’ common interests,
contributed to spiritual solidarity and mutual
assistance (Alekseev 2006, p. 157-158).
“Reindeer breeders’ holiday”, celebrated in
spring, the period of reindeer’s preparation for
calving, was one of the Even reindeer-breeders’
important calendar holidays. That’s why the
beginning of a new life is the symbol of the
holiday. This annual holiday is still kept by all
groups of the Evens. This traditional spring
reindeer breeders’ holiday “had an expressly
ritualized character and was the climax of a
yearly life activity cycle and a many-sided
manifestation of this people’s holiday culture”
(Alekseeva 1993, p. 33). The Momsky Evens
called the holiday “Meeting with the first young
reindeer” and celebrated it in late April or in May
(Bokova 2011, p. 32). Playing ancestors’ games
was the holiday’s main event. It is worth while
mentioning that a winner of reindeer relays races
was given a white she-deer, a symbol of wealth
and good fortune (Prazdniki… 2009, p. 49).
The Evens, living in tundra zone and
fishing mainly, kept their ancient “Holiday of the
first fish”. It is still celebrated by the Allaikha
and Ust-Yana Evens (according to the author’s
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materials collected in Chokurdakh village of
Allaikha Ulus in Respublika Sakha (Yakutia)
in 2010). The Magadan Evens call this ritual
holiday “Bakyldydiak” (“meeting”). From time
immemorial in late May reindeer breeders
agreed upon their meeting in a certain place,
usually nearer to a sea. They fished, stored up
yukola (fish dried in the sun), and agreed upon
the preparation of a trade fair holiday. Such
holidays implied the elements of song-anddance art, various ritual performances. People
exchanged clan legends, stories and songs at
such meeting holidays (Evenskie obryadovye
prazdniki … 2008, p. 20). The main event of the
holiday is “Kheide”, an Even round dance, which
is akin to “the rhythms of surrounding nature”:
“an unbearably long, severe winter, a flash-short
spring, bright due to the abundance of various
grass and flowers but also very short summer,
and the nature’s gradual dying away in autumn”
(Ibid., p. 24). The key symbolic moments of this
holiday are making and feeding the fire and a
ritual of feeding a fishing net with pieces of fish.
Firewood for a ritual fire at the sea-side had to be
arranged in a certain order. It should be pointed
out no holiday of the peoples of the North was
celebrated without a fire, a hearth keeper, a
defender from evil spirits. The ritual of feeding a
fire as followed by the ritual of feeding a fishing
net: a fishing net was “fed” with pieces of fish
and then cast into a sea to fish “the First Fish”.
This ritual was performed for a fishing season to
be fortunate (Ibid., p. 24-27).
It’s important to be noted that this old
holiday is the main one for indigenous peoples of
Kamchatka Krai, for the Evens in particular, as
fishing is their main trade. The inhabitants of the
north of Kamchatka “met the first fish with honour
from the earliest times”: “it was considered from
of old that for the summer to be abounding in fish
it is necessary to meet the first fish in a proper
manner as the shoals following it could know
that good, kind and hospitable people live in this
place” (Prazdniki… 2009, p. 23).
“Holiday of the first fish” began in June.
According to the custom, a ritual is performed
by clan and family aldermen. The main symbolic
meaning of this ritual is in the following: ritual
actions help to attract fish to northern rivers and
make good fishing throughout the whole springand-autumn season. The end of a grass rope
(natalatytkin) was thrown into the water; one of
the most respected women took the other end and
pulled it as if it were very hard to do it. Then she
called for help: “Come here! Help me! There is
plenty of fish here! I will not cope with it alone!”
Others came to her (even pregnant women came to
her as the Kamchatka people believed it favoured
both easy childbirth and abundant coming of fish
for spawning) and started pulling the rope. The
head, bones, fins and tail of the fish caught were
separated from meat for the former to remain the
entire unit. This backbone was tied with a grass
rope and the elder woman pulled it up the stream.
Then this fish’s skeleton was brought into a living
quarters and hung up onto the crossbeam over the
hearth. Such is a general description of this ritual
(Ibid.).
This holiday has its local peculiarities. Thus,
the ritual of the first fish is somewhat different for
the inhabitants of the eastern and western coasts of
Kamchatka. For example, in Tigilsky District this
ritual is performed the following way: “chirus”devices are put into the river for the first fish to be
trapped. The fish is dressed and its head is cut. A
head is tied with gills, guts, roe with the help of
fresh leaves and grass. This is done very carefully
for no roe to be squashed or fall onto the ground.
They start pulling a wicker garland up-stream
and cry in the Koryak language: “Wow! A plenty
of fish, too much fish is here!” Or they made an
original grass rope, wove a fish’s head and gills
as well as a bear’s hair into it. Several men pulled
the rope up-stream. They cried at that: “So much
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Galina N. Varavina. The Yakut Evens’ Culture of Calendar Holidays: Traditions and Modernity
fish has been caught that it is falling out a fishing
net!” After that they left a rope, symbolizing a
fishing net full of fish, in the water, having fixed
it ashore by a heavy stone. At that very day they
cooked fish soup and ate it to their heart’s content
(Ibid., p. 24).
This ritual is slightly different in Olyutorsky
District. Here they boiled the first fish they caught,
separated meat from bones, pounded this meat
with the leaves of purple willow and dwarf birch,
and spread this pasty mass on a fish’s mouth.
While spreading they cried like sea-gulls. After
the ritual actions were over the bones were left
ashore, the flesh was eaten. From this moment on
eating fish was allowed (Ibid.).
Ritual attributes (a grass rope, etc.) and words
that are used to call the fortune for future fishing
and thus shape the people’s future wellbeing have
a symbolic meaning in the ceremonies of “the
Holiday of the first fish”. We guess the aim of
these rituals is to propitiate and thank the spirit
of a rivers’ master for the latter to send much fish
to people.
With this regard it is interesting to mention the
Evens’ spring and autumn sacrifices to the patron
spirits and the spirits of a river’s and a territory’s
masters, etc. In the past the Evens offered
sacrifices to the spirits of a river’s and a territory’s
masters while moving on in spring and autumn:
at that time they slaughtered sacrificial reindeer,
fed a fire, and sprinkled the earth with blood.
Addressing to the masters’ spirits with the spells
of good wishes, they asked them for protection of
people and domestic animals from diseases, evil
spirits, preying animals; good weather without
natural disasters; health, prosperity, family’s
wellbeing, etc. Such sacrifices were the Evens’
important ritual moments as they believed their
family, social and household wellbeing depended
on the patron spirits’ will. The main aim of these
sacrifices as well as other calendar ceremonies
and holidays of these people had always been to
ensure the Evens’ prosperous life, their peaceful
coexistence among the patron spirits (according to
the author’s materials collected in Sebian-Kiuel’
village of Kobiaiskii Ulus in Respublika Sakha
(Yakutia) in 2005 and in Chokurdakh village of
Allaikha Ulus in Respublika Sakha (Yakutia) in
2010).
It should be noted that the peoples of the
North and Siberia performed their sacrificial
offerings in spring and autumn mainly. According
to T.I. Petrova, the Siberian Evens arranged their
tribal praying to the water spirit (temun) in late
September. In their prayers to the water spirit
they asked for the fortune in fishing in the course
of the following year; in their prayers to sewesels
they asked for health (both to themselves and
women and children), as well as for luck in fishing
and hunting (Petrova 1937, p. 106). Aan Darkhan
(the earth master’s spirit) was given sacrificial
offering every spring by the Yakuts, for example.
They did this for her being gracious to them.
The Yakuts made koumiss, went to a large old
tree (preferably to the birch) growing at a main
road or on a burial mound. That tree was wound
round with a rope from a horse’s mane, decorated
with tiny calf muzzles and buckets from upper
birch bark, bundles of hair from a horse’s mane.
A festive meal was arranged under the tree. An
elder man stood his face to the tree for the latter
to be on the eastern side from him and called for
the earth master’s spirit. At that he sprinkled the
tree with koumiss and sora and asked for the earth
master’s spirit’s blessing. This ceremony could be
performed by any house-owner (Alekseev 1975,
p. 76).
It is known that the Evens offered their
sacrifices to numerous spirits of the territory’s
masters. Spirits of the masters of the territories
where people grazed reindeer, hunted, and fished
were especially revered. Sacrificial offerings
were not small presents. Even reindeer were
offered as sacrifices. A reindeer was slaughtered
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before sunrise, hung up on the poles above the
ground with its head to the east. After sunset
the meat was boiled and eaten. The head, skin
and bones were arranged on a sacrificial place
during a special ceremony. In certain cases a
sacrificial reindeer wasn’t eaten. It was hung up
or put onto the ground. Nowadays reindeer are
seldom offered as sacrifices for the territory’s
master. These are usually a sable’s or any other
valuable fur game’s skin (Istoriia… 1997, p. 119).
The Evens regularly offered sacrifice to the spirit
of the river’s master: during drifting of ice they
threw tea leaves, tobacco into the water for the
summer to be good and the river to be generous.
V.D. Lebedev and V.I. Tsinius recorded a spell
to the river in Yakutia. The spell is pronounced
while pouring water into a she-deer’s milk. It
runs: “The spirit, the eminent master of my wellrenowned river… We would be extremely happy
if you let at least one little young fish in our fish
trap from your free walking wealth” (Ibid.). The
spirits of the earth’s masters could be sacrificed
with the things not used any more by this or that
reason. According to the Evens, responding to
the questions, they still had hunting bows at the
beginning of the 30-s but they were “put onto
the ground”, “left” (that is offered to the spirits
of the earth’s masters as sacrifices) after firearms
were enough. Taking food that had fallen onto
the ground is imposed a ban on as the Evens
regard it as already “eaten” by the earth’s master.
According to Ia. I. Lindenau, the Evens used to
offer dogs as sacrifices and eat dogs’ meat during
sacrifice ceremonies. This was influenced by
the Koryak religion with its widespread custom
to sacrifice dogs (Ibid., p. 120). Nowadays this
custom is not observed by the Evens at all.
The customs of sacrificial offerings to
various spirits of the territory’s masters are still
kept at present. For example, in spring, when
the ice has broken up on the river the Momsky
Evens treat the spirits of the river with reindeer’s
milk. They pour out three spoonfuls of milk
into the water (the spoons (kopenge) are made
from a bighorn sheep’s horn). While pouring the
milk, they are whispering or mentally wishing
the river to be clean and abundant with fish
(Bokova 2011, p. 28). The tundra Evens have a
custom of feeding the Indigirka river (Indigir
Upe) either in spring or in early summer. For this
they put fare (pancakes with butter, tea, etc.) on
the riverside (according to the author’s materials
collected in Chokurdakh village of Allaikha
Ulus in Respublika Sakha (Yakutia) in 2010).
At this period they also observe the custom of
“feeding the Mother Tundra”. According to our
respondents, this custom is essential: in case the
Evens kill a reindeer they sacrifice its blood, a
piece of heart, kidneys or either a piece of tongue
or marrow (Ibid.).
It should be noted that a cycle of the Evens’
spring-and-summer holidays started with the
meeting of relatives in May. It lasted till the end
of summer solstice. It was finished with the main
calendar “Evinek” (or “hebd’ek”) holiday, the
New Sun and the New Year holiday held at night
of June 21 (Alekseev 2003, p. 78). The Momsky
Evens call this traditional holiday “A young
reindeer’s birth” and celebrate it in the middle
of June when the first young reindeer are born
(Bokova 2011, p. 32). As for the tundra Evens (the
Allaikha Evens in particular), they observe this
holiday called “The tundra blossoming” (“Tuur
chulbyrgyn – neche ‘iiche”) every June (according
to the author’s materials collected in Chokurdakh
village of Allaikha Ulus in Respublika Sakha
(Yakutia) in 2010).
The traditional Even New Year holiday (as
well as other ritual holidays) starts with special
rituals and ceremonies of the adoration of the
spirits of the fire, spirits of nature, spirits of the
territory, spirits of the river, etc. Khirchegen
wishing spells are actively used during these
holidays (according to the author’s materials
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collected in Sebian-Kiuel’ village of Kobiaiskii
Ulus in Respublika Sakha (Yakutia) in 2005
and in Chokurdakh village of Allaikha Ulus in
Respublika Sakha (Yakutia) in 2010). This holiday
is worth dwelling upon in more details as it is the
main one in a yearly cycle of the Even people.
Moreover, it has still continued to our days.
It should be mentioned that the fire is of a
paramount importance on traditional holidays. It
is the spirit of the fire which goes between people,
divine beings and patron spirits. Any traditional
holiday of the peoples of the North started with the
ceremony of cleansing with a smoky fire, which
is still kept. The main symbolic moment of the
Even New Year is cleansing with a ledum smoky
fire. The ritual is performed only by the family
elder, fumigating utensils, dwellings, everybody
present at the holiday and thus exorcising evil
spirits and driving diseases off (Ibid.). The main
symbolic function of this ritual is the following:
having performed the cleansing ritual, people
meet the first rays of the sun, the first day of the
New Year without bad intentions and sins.
According to A.A. Alekseev, a special
cleansing ritual of “Evinek” holiday started in
the evening of June, 21. It was performed by the
Markhas, the Even shamans. Their task was to
cleanse (separate) their fellow tribesmen’s souls
from various diseases and filthiness. “To appear
before the Sun and the Supreme Deity with a
clean soul any human had to go through the
cleansing ritual. Only in this case hovki might
get benevolent to him, his family and tribe
members. Having performed the cleansing ritual
and gathered all the evil and evil spirits, shaman
people made a fire, burnt all the evil in it and left”
(Alekseev 2003, p. 78).
After the cleansing ritual was over the
family elders – Tegen – started the ritual of
meeting the Sun. They made two ritual fires near
each tree under the delburge-rope and threw
rhododendron there for its smoke to cleanse of
filthiness. “The Sun starts its movement rising
from behind the mountains. People look forward
to it in deep silence. They start moving with the
first sunrays. Humans step over the first ritual fire
(Gulun Togon) as if they were passing through “a
heavenly gate”. They stop and turn to the Sun in
silence. Then they move again: everybody goes
in the direction towards the Sun, turns left and,
having walked an arc path, steps over the second
fire. Thus, the movement goes on with the Sun’s
movement” (Ibid., p. 79).
A symbolic meaning of the ritual is in the
following: movement to the left, facing the
sun, behind the imaginary gate, meant the old
year’s and the sun’s “funeral”. Stepping over
the second fire in the same direction as the sun’s
movement symbolizes the transition from the
old year to the new one. It is like renewal of life,
nature’s awakening after a long winter, the New
Year’s and the New Sun’s birth. The sun, ritual
fires, trees, delburge-rope are assigned various
beneficial functions: they are heavenly gates to
the Kingdom of Purity. Besides, this moment is
a turn in nature, the beginning of counting out
a new time when a day becomes shorter (Ibid.,
p. 80).
The same information can be found in the
materials about the Magadan Evens. In the past
only a shaman performed the cleansing ritual. For
this he made a small family fire and fed it with
ledum branches. According to the Evens’ beliefs,
this plant can drive diseases, evil spirit, and bad
thoughts off a human. At a shaman’s sign each
participant of the holiday jumped over the fire
and only after that was considered to be cleansed
from physical and mental filthiness and had the
right to participate in the following rituals and
ceremonies (Evenskie obryadovye prazdniki…
2008, p. 9). The cleansing ritual started almost all
the Even ceremonies and holidays. It was strictly
observed on calendar holidays. In our point of
view the idea of spiritual cleansing, renewal,
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birth of a new life was the main for all spring-and
summer holidays of the Evens.
The key part of the Even calendar holidays
is the ritual of feeding a fire. This obligatory
tradition takes place at the beginning of the
holiday after the cleansing ritual. It should be
noted that the ritual of feeding a fire is performed
by the Evens not only during holidays but on
weekdays as well (according to the author’s
materials collected in Sebian-Kiuel’ village of
Kobiaiskii Ulus in Respublika Sakha (Yakutia) in
2005 and in Chokurdakh village of Allaikha Ulus
in Respublika Sakha (Yakutia) in 2010).
It’s important to mention that the fi re cult is
closely connected with the worship of the spirits
of the nature’s masters. As it has been stated
above, the fi re cult went between people, deities
and spirits. The Evens believe that feeding the
fi re they fed not only the spirits of the fi re but
also the spirits of the nature’s masters and deities.
This explains why the ritual of feeding the fi re
is an essential part of their calendar holidays
(Ibid.). E.N. Romanova, a great authority in the
field of the Yakuts’ holiday culture, gives a wellgrounded opinion that “the main ritual of the
Ysyakh holiday was sprinkling deities and spirits
with koumiss through the fi re. In the rituals the
fi re was the means (kuomeideen, “a throat”) of
a sacrificial treatment donation”. As the fi re was
assigned various beneficial functions such as
generating, cleansing, curative, etc., sacrificial
offerings to deities and spirits were perfomed
only through it (Romanova 1994, p. 102). The
Evens had similar beliefs. They also regarded
the fi re “the means of communication with the
spirits of the dead, giving them food” (Ritualy…
1994, p. 6).
On the eve of the holiday women cook
ritual food for feeding the spirit of the fi re,
the spirits of the territory’s masters as well
as the participants of the holiday. The ritual
food is usually fat and fatty meat (according
to the author’s materials collected in SebianKiuel’ village of Kobiaiskii Ulus in Respublika
Sakha (Yakutia) in 2005 and in Chokurdakh
village of Allaikha Ulus in Respublika Sakha
(Yakutia) in 2010), which also have a symbolic
meaning. It is worth while mentioning that it is
imdon (suet, animal and bird fat, etc.) that was
considered not only the most nourishing food
but also especially pleasing to the fi re, a carrier
of sacrifices, from the earliest times (Alekseev
2003, p. 81). All the present at the calendar
holidays are treated very well (according to the
author’s materials collected in Sebian-Kiuel’
village of Kobiaiskii Ulus in Respublika Sakha
(Yakutia) in 2005 and in Chokurdakh village of
Allaikha Ulus in Respublika Sakha (Yakutia) in
2010). It is noteworthy that this moment is also
of a symbolic meaning: it is believed that the
richer the treatment is the fewer troubles the year
brings. Every holiday participant should get his
/ her share of treatment for the whole family’s
good life from this rich ritual food.
It is considered to be interesting that the ritual
of feeding the territory spirits is also performed
during the Even calendar holidays. For example,
the tundra Evens perform the ritual of “feeding
Mother Tundra”. According to our respondents,
this ritual is essential (if a reindeer is killed, its
blood, a piece of heart, kidneys or a piece of
tongue or marrow are offered as sacrifices). The
ritual of “gaining the spirits’ favour” takes place.
For this delburge, many-coloured shreds, are
hung on purple willows and khirgechen, whishing
spells, are pronounced in honour of especially
worshiped spirits of the masters of fire, territory,
river, etc. (according to the author’s materials
collected in Chokurdakh village of Allaikha Ulus
in Respublika Sakha (Yakutia) in 2010).
According to its semantics khirgechen in
the Even language (derived from khirge – 1) to
say one’s prayers, ask (God) for happiness, luck;
2) to cast a spell over smb., bewitch smb.) is fully
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synonymic to the Yakut algys which, according
to E.K. Pekarskii, means “blessing, wishing the
good, glorification, benevolence, praise as well as
spell, praying, initiation” (Pavlova 2001, p. 60).
It is noteworthy that during such rituals
and khirgechen wishing spells “the borders of a
ritual space were outlined visually for them to
obviously separate people’s own real world from
a sacral-and-mythological one” (Ibid., p. 68). The
Evens believed that the gate to the upper world
were open on solstice days, two young larch trees
were threshold to it, delburge (a rope with bundles
of noielde’s, a sacred reindeer’s, under-neck hair
tightened between these larch trees) was a horizon
line drawing a borderline between the worlds
(Alekseev 2006, p. 154). The main function of
both these rituals and khirgechen wishing spells
was to go between especially worshiped spirits.
The tundra Evens always observe the ritual
of “feeding the Mother river” Indigirka (Indigir
Upe) during their calendar holidays. They put
their treatments (pancakes with butter, tea, etc.)
on the bank of the river (according to the author’s
materials collected in Chokurdakh village of
Allaikha Ulus in Respublika Sakha (Yakutia) in
2010). It should be mentioned that according to
the Evens’ popular belief the nature (earth, air,
water, forests, lakes, valleys, or, in other words,
the tundra with its flora and fauna) is a living but
invisible substance which is inseparable from
them and constantly influences people’s lives that
largely depends on every person’s attitude to it.
Such was an interrelationship between nature
and a human. The Evens called it “En’en tuur”
meaning “mother-earth-motherland”. To show
their respect to it humans give it presents in the
form of many-coloured rags or pieces of different
coats of a reindeer’s or a young reindeer’s skin.
They hang these on the trees. By doing so they
intended to set ties of relationship. That’s why
people respected and worshiped everything alive
around them (Belianskaia 1996, p. 45). This is
how an ecological relationship between a human
and nature was set. The Evens never scolded
natural phenomena: snowstorm, heavy snow,
rain, heat, cold winds. It was thought that there is
a certain balance between good and bad natural
phenomena; the weather in future first and
foremost depends on humans’ behaviour, the way
they keep customs and traditions, follow ethic
norms between people, a human and the nature
(Belianskaia 2004, p. 50).
After all the rituals and ceremonies those who
are present at the holiday are engaged in heed’e
ritual dance. The origin of heed’e round dance
is “directly connected with the ritual of meeting
the sun as this ancient round dance starts and
goes on in the direction of the sun’s movement”
(Alekseev 2006, p. 150). The name of the Even
traditional heed’e dance is translated as “Meeting
the sun”. The dance is devoted to meeting the
sun after a long, severe winter. “Rejoicing, joy,
aspiration for the light and the sun are shown
in this dance” (Lukina 1989, p. 129). A circle of
the heed’e dance and its development symbolize
people’s rising to the blue sky (chuulbania n’amnal
tandula) together with the sun. This was the way
the humans demonstrated their unity with mighty
natural phenomena, as this was the way of their
understanding of primeval harmony in a human’s
relations with the world around (Alekseev 2006,
p. 155). In former times the heed’e dance lasted
for three days: while one dancers had a rest the
other danced for the dance not to stop (Evenskie
obryadovye prazdniki… 2008, p. 13).
Thus, a traditional calendar New Year
holiday held in June is the Evens’ main holiday.
It is noteworthy that this period is considered to
be an “open” period of time as it is the beginning
of the New Year. Young trees and a delburge
rope are ritual attributes of the holiday. They
symbolize “the entrance” into “a new world”,
“the beginning” (the beginning of a new time, a
new cycle of nature and a year).
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June (dilgos ilaani) was literally the month of
the sun, water and new greenery, the month when
the bark peels off the trees, the month of nature
awakening and renewal. This month signifies the
beginning of the summer season and the Even
ancient New Year (Alekseev 2006, p. 149-150).
According to the Evens’ beliefs, the doors to the
upper world opened on summer solstice days
(Ibid., p. 154). As it has been mentioned above,
ritual attributes play a major symbolic role on
the main calendar holiday. Before the holiday
two ritual fires were made near holy trees on a
ceremonial field. A delburge rope was fixed
between the trees. Many-coloured shreds of cloth
or (in former times) a holy reindeer’s hair from
the under neck part of the body were tied to the
rope. Their number was equal to the number of
the ceremony participants. The Evens believed
that these two trees and a delburge symbolized
the gate into the heaven (Aan kuuialan n’oori
urko), exit to the heavenly beings’ country. This
holy gate was open for human beings only on
the 22, 23, 24 of June, the summer solstice days
(Alekseev 2003, p. 79).
Thus, two young larch trees served a
threshold to the upper world. A delburge rope
with the bundles of noielde holy reindeer’s hair
from the under neck part of the body, fixed
between the larch trees, signified a horizon line,
drawing the borderline between the worlds. “It is
there, on the horizon, where a new day was born.
The sun also rose there and then set after its long
way in the sky. Ancestors’ land, the land of the
dead, was also there. It was characteristic to the
peoples of Siberia and the Far East. According to
the Evens’ beliefs, as they sing in their “D’eheriie”
song, a human’s soul could get to the country of
“happiness, abundance and common bliss” only
these days” (Alekseev 2006, p. 154-155).
The emphasis was put on the eastern
direction as the east (dopta) is the beginning of
life and light on the Earth and it is the east where
the sun rises and the day begins. These days
the God, hovki (Seveki), was offered sacrificial
reindeer. The latter were slaughtered, according to
the ritual rules, by suffocation. Their skins were
hung on an inclined pole at both ends of which
there stood two young larch trees. A sacrificial
reindeer’s bones were not broken but put on a
special platform (neku) after a ritual meal. The
Old Year and the Sun were believed “to die”
on the summer solstice days. Thus a sacrificial
reindeer personifies the Old Year and the Sun. A
Reindeer-Sun revives from a sacrificial reindeer’s
blood and a new period of time starts (Alekseev
2003, p. 79). Thus, the meaning of the rituals
performed on the Evens’ main holiday is the idea
of a cyclic renewal of life.
Another calendar holiday of the Even
reindeer breeders is “A young reindeer’s
holiday” held in autumn (in September), the
time when the Evens started preparations for
a long winter. That day the family gathered
together and exchanged good pedigree bucks. At
the same time the holiday signified the opening
of a hunting season. Professional hunters were
seen off. According to A.A. Alekseev, similar
holidays were observed by all Tungusic peoples
(Alekseev 2006, p. 153). The Momsky Evens
called this holiday “A yearling reindeer’s
holiday” (“Mulkan khebdeken”). They celebrated
it in August. The holiday participants exchanged
1-2-year-old reindeer (mulkans), presented them
to their close friends and relatives. To make
winter clothes they had to slaughter strapping
enken, male reindeer born that year, as fur coats,
caftans from an enken’s skin are very lightweight
and warm. On this holiday they treated each
other with delicious food and left satisfied till
the next year (Bokova 2011, p. 32).
Thus, the system of rituals and ceremonies
of the peoples of the North, including the Evens,
was connected with natural time cycles. Their
main holidays, sacrificial offerings, ceremonies
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and rituals were held during the most turning
points of alternations of the seasons – the
periods of the nature’s birth, bloom, fading away
and rebirth. The information presented above
shows the complexity of the Evens’ conceptions
of time: the turning points of alternations of
the seasons were assigned qualitative features,
sacral meanings and symbolic characteristics
that were reflected in the content of the Evens’
calendar ceremonies and holidays. A common
and uniting idea of holidays and ceremonies
of a year cycle is the idea of the nature’s end
and beginning, its fading away and rebirth, its
continuity. It is brought to light that spring-andsummer period is the richest in ceremonies.
According to the peoples’ of the North beliefs,
and the Evens’ beliefs in particular, spring and
summer symbolized the beginning of life, birth,
awakening, renewal and rebirth. They were
regarded as the most favourable time when “the
entrance” to the world of deities and patron
spirits “opened”. That’s why various holidays,
ceremonies, rituals and sacrificial offerings,
connected with the people’s wellbeing, took
place at that time. During such “open” time
deities, having heard people’s prayers, whishing
spells and songs, could grant a child’s soul to
childless families, give health, luck in seasonal
work, wellbeing, happiness. At that period of
calendar holidays people became purer, fed the
patron spirits and deities, addressed to them
with their prayers and wishing spells, offering
various sacrifices and performing numerous
rituals. Such archaic components as ancient
cults of the Mother-nature, the sun and the fi re
are vividly observed on the Evens’ traditional
calendar holidays. It should be noted that these
cults undoubtedly have ancient roots and still
significantly influence the material and spiritual
cultures of this people. On the whole, the Evens’
traditional culture is a thrifty attitude to nature,
close interconnection and harmony with it as
well as a special worship and sacralization of
nature and its objects.
References
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Alekseev, A.A. (2003). Kul’t ognia u evenov [The Evens’ cult of the fire]. Ilin, (3-4), 77-85.
Alekseev, A.A. Eveny Verkhoian’ia: istoriia i kul’tura (konets XIX-80-e gg. XX v.) [The Verkhoian’
Evens: history and culture (the end of XIX century – the 80-s of XX century). St.-Petersburg,
VVM, 2006. 248 p.
Alekseev, N.A. Traditsionnye religioznye verovaniia iakutov v XIX – nachale XX v. [The Yakuts’
traditional religious beliefs in the XIX century and the beginning of the XX century]. Novosibirsk,
Nauka (Sibirskoe otdelenie), 1975. 200 p.
Alekseeva, Z.Z. Vozrozhdenie traditsionnykh prazdnikov – vozvrashchenie k istokam, ili
transformatsiia kul’turnogo samosoznaniia (na primere evenov Iakutii) [Revival of traditional
holidays – going back to the roots, or transformation of cultural self-consciousness (on the
example of the Yakut Evens)]. Iazyki, kul’tura i budushchee narodov Arktiki: Tezisy dokladov
mezhdunarodnoi konferentsii, 17-21 iiunia 1993 goda [Languages, culture and future of the
Arctic peoples: Theses of the international conference reports, June 17-21, 1993]. Part II.
Yakutsk, 1993, pp. 33-34.
Belianskaia, M. Kh. Traditsiia i sovremennost’: kul’tura vyzhyvaniia severnykh tungusov v
Severo-Vostochnoi Azii (istoriko-etnograficheskii ocherk) [Tradition and the present: the culture
of the Northern Evens’ survival in North-Eastern Asia (historical and ethnographic essay)]. St.Petersburg, 2004. 124 p.
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[Ecological traditions of the Allaikha Evens and the citizens of Russkoe Ust’e in Yakutia].
Voprosy eveskoi filologii i etnologii (trudy molodykh uchenykh) [Issues of the Even philology and
ethnology (young scientists’ papers)]. Yakutsk, Severoved, 1996, pp. 43-47.
Bokova, E.N. Byt evenov [The Evens’ everyday life]. Yakutsk, 2011. 32 p.
Istoriia i kul’tura evenov: istoriko-etnograficheskie ocherki [The Evens’ history and culture:
historical and ethnographical essays]. St.-Petersburg, Nauka, 1997. 179 p.
Lukina, A.G. Tantsy Iakutii [Dances of Yakutia]. Yakutsk, 1989. 152 p.
Narody Dal’nego Vostoka SSSR v XVII – XX vv.: Istoriko-etnograficheskie ocherki [Peoples of
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Pavlova, T.V. Obriadovyi fol’klor evenov Iakutii (muzykal’no-etnograficheskii aspect) [Ritual
folklore of the Evens of Yakutia (musical-and-ethnographic aspect)]. St.-Petersburg, RGPU named
after A.I. Herzen, 2001. 263 p.
Petrova, T.I. Vremiaischislenie u tunguso-manchzhurskikh narodnostei [Calendar of the Tungusic
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M., Leningrad, USSR Academy of Sciences, 1937, pp. 79-121.
PMA 2005 (‘s Field data collected in the village. Himself-Kyuyol Kobjajsky District of Sakha
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PMA, 2010 (Field data’s collected in the village. Chokurdakh Allaikhovsky Ulus of the Sakha
Republic (Yakutia) in 2010).
Prazdniki i obriady korennykh narodov Kamchatki [Holidays and rituals of Kamchatka indigenous
peoples]. Petropavlovsk-Kamchatsky, 2009. 54 p.
Ritualy pokloneniia ogniu narodov severa Respubliki Sakha (Iakutia) [The adoration of the fire
rituals of the peoples of the north of Respublika Sakha (Yakutia)]. Yakutsk, 1994. 15 p.
Romanova, E.N. Iakutskii prazdnik Ysyakh: Istoki i predstavleniia [The Yakut ‘Ysyakh’ holiday:
roots and conceptions]. Novosibirsk, Nauka (Siberian publishing company), 1994. 160 p.
18. Traditsionnoe mirovozzrenie tiurkov Iuzhnoi Sibiri: Prostranstvo i vremia. Veshchnyi mir
[Traditional world outlook of the Turkic peoples of Southern Siberia: Space and time. Property
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19. Khudiakov, I.A. Kratkoe opisanie Verkhoianskogo okruga [A short description of Verkhoyansky
Okrug]. Leningrad, Nauka (Leningrad branch), 1969. 440 p.
20. Evenskie obryadovye prazdniki: Khebdenek, Bakyldydiak, Kholia, Chairudiak [The Evens’ ritual
holidays: Khebdenek, Bakyldydiak, Kholia, Chairudiak]. Magadan, New printing, 2008. 67 p.
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Galina N. Varavina. The Yakut Evens’ Culture of Calendar Holidays: Traditions and Modernity
Календарная праздничная культура эвенов Якутии:
традиции и современность
(символика обрядовой деятельности)
Г.Н. Варавина
Институт гуманитарных исследований
и проблем малочисленных народов Севера СО РАН,
Россия 677007, Республика Саха (Якутия), Якутск, ул. Петровского, 1
Статья посвящена празднично-обрядовой деятельности коренных малочисленных народов
Севера, Сибири и Дальнего Востока. Автор подробно рассматривает символику обрядовой
деятельности эвенской этнокультурной группы, проживающей в Республике Саха (Якутия).
В праздниках и обрядах эвенов проявляются древние культуры этого народа, связанные с
почитанием Матери-природы, духа-огня, священных животных.
Ключевые слова: эвены, праздники, обряды, календарь, коренные малочисленные народы Севера,
Сибири и Дальнего Востока.
Работа выполнена в рамках исследований, финансируемых Красноярским краевым фондом
поддержки научной и научно-технической деятельности, а также в рамках тематического
плана СФУ по заданию Министерства образования и науки Российской Федерации.
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Journal of Siberian Federal University. Humanities & Social Sciences 5 (2013 6) 641-646
~~~
УДК 811.512.212’28 (075.8)
Dialects of Even Language:
Research Status and Classification
Sardana I. Sharina*
M.K. Ammosov North-Eastern Federal University in Yakutsk
58 Belinskiy Str., Yakutsk, 677980 Russia
Received 10.01.2013, received in revised form 25.02.2013, accepted 29.04.2013
The article is dedicated to researching dialects of Even language and their classification. The most
relevant researches of Even language are considered. The practical goal is to save rare languages of
small-numbered indigenous peoples of the North, Siberia, and Far East.
Keywords: Even language, small-numbered indigenous peoples of the North, Siberia, and Far East,
dialects.
The work was fulfilled within the framework of the research financed by the Krasnoyarsk Regional
Foundation of Research and Technology Development Support and in accordance with the course
schedule of Siberian Federal University as assigned by the Ministry of Education and Science of the
Russian Federation.
One of the top-priority lines of humane
researches is studying languages on the brink of
extinction, spoken by a small number of native
people from the North, recording and describing
the cultural and dialect variety. To perform this
task for Even language the attention should be
concentrated on the least developed aspects, such
as description of dialects and subdialects, their
structure and classifications. Due to the previous
researches, nowadays we possess the information
which had been gathered by various researchers
within several centuries.
For the first time Armansky dialect of
Even language was described long time ago, in
1940s, by I.I. Lindenau. “Comparative dictionary
of all languages and dialects” (1787-1789) by
P.S.Pallas presents Ol’sky and Okhotsky dialects
*
of Even language. The files from I. Billings
expedition (1795) contain some samples of the
Srednekolymsky Evens’ speech.
More advanced researches began in the
mid-XIX century. The information gathered by
G. Maydell and Yu. Stubendorf in 1860-1870
along with that published by A. Shifner, contains a
short description of the Okhotsky and Anadyrsky
Evens. In the year 1895 V.G. Bogoraz gathered
some materials from the Evens who lived in the
area of the Omolon river basin.
Later, throughout the twentieth century,
some systematic researches of many Even dialects
and subdialects were made. The researches
carried out in the late ‘20s and early ‘30s all
around the country were a part of the great
culture construction campaign run in the North.
© Siberian Federal University. All rights reserved
Corresponding author E-mail address: sarshar@mail.ru
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Many famous researchers worked with Even
dialects, for example, V.I. Tsintsius, V.I. Levin,
K.A. Novikova, L.V. Sobolevsky, L.D. Rishes. In
the following years a big number of dialectological
works was made by V.D. Lebedev, V.A. Robbek,
Kh.I. Dutkin, A.A. Burykin, A.A. Danilova,
V.A. Petrova, V.S. Ermolaeva, R.P. Kuz’mina.
Thanks to the efforts of these scientists,
some expeditions in various areas of the Evens’
settlement were made. The major part of the
expedition results is presented in a series of
well-known releases including monographs
published in Leningrad within the next several
decades; “Studies of the Even (Lamut) language
grammar” by V.I. Tsintsius published in the
1947 was the first and the most prominent one.
The work conveys the specifics of Eastern Even
language, Ol’sky subdialect, which formed the
base for literary Even language and partially for
Kamchatsky subdialect. Till now the work has not
lost its value. A detailed description of the Ol’sky
subdialect grammar we can find in the research
be K.A.Novikova “Study of the Even language
dialects” in two parts.
A significant contribution to Even
dialectology was introduced by Yakut scientists.
The detailed phonetic, morphologic, lexical,
and syntactic peculiarities of Even dialects and
subdialects were described by V.D. Lebedev
in his monographs “Language of the Yakut
Evens” (1978), “Okhotsky dialect of Even
language” (1982). The first one is dedicated to
the language of Dogdo-Chebogalakhsky and
Ulakhan-Chistaysky agricultural communities in
Momsky District of Yakutia. V. Lebedev claims
that Ulakhan-Chistaysky subdialect belongs
to Kolymsky subdialects of Eastern dialect.
The researcher detects the distinctive features
of Dogdo-Chebogalakhsky and UlakhanChistaysky subdialects on all the levels of
language in respect with literary Even. The author
supposes that Ulakhan-Chistaysky subdialect
experienced the influence of the nearby Eastern
subdialects (sibilance, particulate retention of
the “u”), and that some specifics of the DogdoChebogalakhsky subdialect (absolute spirancy,
metatized possessive forms of the 2nd and 3rd
person plural –hын~-hнын, – тын ~ тнын) are
determined mostly by the territorial closeness to
Western dialect. In the morphological aspect, both
subdialects are characterized by the only form of
the personal pronoun in the 1st person plural form:
мут “we”. In both dialects the dependent form of
the possessive pronouns in 1st and 2nd person is
absent. In both dialects postposition construction
are used instead of aditive-locative case and
aditive-prosecutive cases. Lexical differences
between the subdialects are insignificant; some
of them are found, for example, in the names of
animals. V.D. Lebedev introduced some unique
linguistic materials from Dogdo-Chebogalakhsky
and Ulakhan-Chistaysky subdialects into the
researches. The characteristic of the phonemes
and the phonetic system was based on the
experimental data provided by X-ray pictures,
kymographs of the vowel duration.
The second work by V.D. Lebedev is aimed
at the studies of Okhotsky dialect spoken along
the coast of the Okhotsk Sea from the Ulya river
in the South-West to Inya river in the North-East,
and deep in taiga to the North from the Ketanda
(Yudoma) river, in the total area of 50 thousand
square kilometres. The present work outlines the
linguistic features typical for all the three groups
of the Okhotsk Evens, i.e. to Okhotsky dialect as a
whole. V.D. Lebedev found out that the materials
gathered for the language of the Okhotsk Evens
can be used to clarify the existing classification of
Even dialects, to mark the speech of the Okhotsk
Evens as a special Eastern dialect among the
others, as it still preserves the old features of its
subdivision into smaller units, such as subdialects
and local idioms, which were originally spoken
by separate Even tribes.
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The monograph “Language of the Berezovka
Evens” (1989) by V.A. Robbek is dedicated to the
research of morphological, syntactical and lexical
peculiarities of the language spoken by the Evens
in Berezovka village, Srednekolymsky District.
The work presents wide comparative material on
some other subdialects, such as Ol’sky, Okhotsky
and the subdialect of the Yakutia Evens. The
researcher outlines the distinctive features of
Berezovsky subdialect in comparison with other
subdialects on various levels of language. The
morphological study deserves special mentioning.
Unlike other dialectological works that describe
only the distinctive features of the studied
subdialect, it also clarifies the parts of speech
classification issue, especially that concerning
the verb category.
The work by Kh.I. Dutkin “Allaikhovsky
subdialect of the Yakutia Evens” (1995) is
dedicated to the phonetic, morphologic and
lexical peculiarities of Allaikhovsky subdialect.
Within Allaikhovsky subdialect, the author
outlines 2 more subidioms (classified into 5
geni). The work by Kh.I. Dutkin “Tundra dialect
of Western Even language” presents the results
of the continuous research of the idioms spoken
by the Evens in Ust-Yansky, Allaikhovsky and
Nizhnekolymsky Districts, which enabled the
author to summarize the research results and
classify tundra and mountain-taiga dialects of
Western Even language. The author intentionally
draws your attention to the significance of this
dialect zone in the linguistic and geographic
aspect research, as in these subdialects various
phenomena are found.
R.P. Kuzmina in her research “The language
of the Lamunkhinsky Evens” (2010) revealed the
peculiarities typical for Lamunkhinsky subdialect
of Even language.
The peculiarities of some subdialects were
described in the published works by A.A. Burykin,
A.A. Danilova, V.A. Petrova, V.S. Ermolaeva.
Even though with the effort of the
researchers from Saint Petersburg and Yakutia
a lot of interesting information on the dialects
and subdialects of Even language has been
collected and published, some of the dialects
and subdialects have not been highlighted in the
existing published works, and many of them still
lack a systematic description. The difficulty of
describing the subdialects of the Yakut Evens
is explained by the great number of variations
on all the language levels due to the bi- or
multilingualism of their speakers or the influence
of Yakut language. For this reason, the attention
of the researchers is drawn to the peculiarities
of dialects’ and subdialects’ interaction in the
borderline zones between the languages.
The problem of classification of Even
dialects and subdialects still remains topical. At
the present time, several approaches to the Even
dialects’ classification are known.
The diversity on the phonetic, lexical
and grammatic features allowed V.I. Tsintsius
outline 11 dialects and subdialects in her work
“Studies of Even (Lamut) language grammar”.
According to the classification, seven of the
subdialects belong to Eastern Even language:
Kolymsko-Omolonsky, Ol’sky, Kamchatsky,
Okhotsky,
Verkhnekolymsky,
Indigirsky,
Tomponsky. Three of the subdialects belong
to Western Even language: Sarkyryrsky (or
Sakkyryrsky), Lamunkhinsky and Yukagirsky;
Armansky dialect is pointed out separately
(Tsintsius 1947).
On the map of Even dialects compiled by
K.A. Novikova, 12 dialects and subdialects
are marked: Eastern Even language: Ol’sky,
Okhotsky, Penzhinsky, Bystrinsky, Anadyrsky,
Kolymsko-Omolonsky; Middle Even language:
Tomponsky, Momsky, Allaikhovsky subdialects;
Western Even language: Lamunkhinsky and
Tyugesirsky subdialects; Armansky dialect
(Novikova 1960).
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In the “Comparative dictionary of Tungusic
languages” there are 15 Even dialects and
subdialects: Eastern Even language: Anadyrsky,
Bystrinsky, Kolymsko-Omolonsky, Ol’sky,
Okhotsky,
Penzhinsky,
Severo-Evensky
subdialects; Middle Even language: Anyusky,
Allaikhovsky, Momsky, Tomponsky subdialects;
Western
Even
language:
Sakkyryrsky,
Tyugesirsky and Yukagirsky sibdialects;
Armansky dialect (Comparative dictionary of
Tungusic languages 1975-1977).
According to the classification by
A.A. Burykin, there are 26 dialects and
subdialects: Eastern Even language: Kamchatsky
dialect (Bystrinsky and Olyutorsky subdialects),
Oklansky dialect, Ol’sky dialect (Penzhinsky,
Gizhiginsky, Tavatumsky, Ol’sky, Tauysky,
Prianadyrsky
subdialects),
Prikolymsky
subdialect (subdialect of the Evens of Berezovka
and Rassokhino, subdialect of the UlakhanChistaysky Evens), Ten’kinsky dialect; Western
Even language: Arkinsky subdialect, Ust-Maysky
subdialect, Ulyinsky dialect, Verkhnekolymsky
dialect, Nizhnekolymsky dialect, Indigirsky
dialect (Oymyakonsky, Tomponsky, Momsky
subdialects), Allaikhovsky dialect (subdialect),
Ust-Yansky dialect, Sakkyryrsky dialect
(Tyugesirsky and Lamunkhinsky dialects),
Armansky dialect (Burykin 2004).
The above classifications are different both
in the names and the numbers of the presented
dialects. At the present time, all the classifications
need clarifications and additions based on the new
data on the phonetics and the fixed peculiarities
of the morphology, the most distinctive lexical
peculiarities of the dialects.
The fieldwork on the territorial variants
of Even language is still in process. For now,
only the Eastern area of the Evens’ settlements
(Kamchatka, Chukotka, Magadan Oblast’,
Khabarovsky Krai) has been studied well;
in the territory of Yakutia the research is not
complete. To complete the map of dialects and
subdialects of Even language, it is necessary to
collect information on the certain subdialects and
dialects.
The present language data on the certain areas
of Yakutia, such as Ust-Yansky, Verkhnekolymsky,
Nizhnekolymsky, Oymyakonsky, Tomponsky
are inconsistent both in the qualitative and
quantitative way, which prevents the researchers
from determining the area of these or those
dialects, from distinguishing and separating the
subdialects of Middle and Western Even languages
from each other. It appears important to consider
that the modern linguistic borderlines between
the subdialects do not match the administrative
entities’ borders, so the linguistic division of each
territorial entity has to be done in comparison
with the dialects of the neighbouring districts.
Considering the subdialects of Even language
we come to conclusion that the present linguistic
landscape may be formed by the geographic one
which does not exist anymore.
So, today linguists are to solve the
problem of marking the areas of each dialect,
of describing dialects and subdialects of Even
language in a systematic way, of revealing their
linguistic peculiarities and systematization of
the acquired information. A new, complete and
detailed classification, based on the linguistic
properties of dialects and subdialects that divide
these linguistic entities from one another, is
highly required; to do it, it is necessary to
summarize all the present information on
the in the insufficiently studied dialects and
subdialects, especially those spoken in the
territory of Yakutia. It is important to consider
the functional specificity of Even language under
the modern conditions and the peculiarities of
the ethnocultural situation.
Dialects and subdialects of Even language
need to be classified on the linguistic distinctive
features of the dialects and subdialects. The
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classification has to integrate all the previous
classification of the Even language dialects, and
to include some of the dialects and subdialects
that have not been studied properly or classified
in a sufficient way.
Today the researchers of the languages
spoken by small-numbered peoples of the
North face the task to preserve and develop the
extincting languages by means of linguistic
methods. For this reason, the researches of
the dialects and subdialects of Even language
spoken today has a great applied significance for
lexicography (compiling maps and dictionaries),
for creating academic grammar books and for the
maximally efficient description of the languages
of the small-numbered peoples.
References
1.
Burykin A.A. Iazyk malochislennogo naroda v ego pis’mennoy forme [The written form of a
small-numbered people’s language]. Saint Petersburg, 2004.
2. Dutkin Kh.I. Allaikhovsky govor evenov Yakutii [Allaikhovsky subdialect of the Yakut Evens].
Saint Petersburg, 1995.
3. Dutkin Kh.I. Tundrennyy dialekt zapadnogo narechiia evenskogo iazyka [Tundra dialect of
Western Even language]. Saint Petersburg, 2009.
4. Kuz’mina R.P. Iazyk lamunkhinskikh evenov [The language of the Lamunchino Evens].
Novosibirsk, 2010.
5. Lebedev V.D. Iazyk evenov Iakutii [The language of the Yakut Evens]. Leningrad, 1978.
6. Lebedev V.D. Okhotskiy dialekt evenskogo iazyka [Okhotsky dialect of Even language]. Leningrad,
1982.
7. Novikova K.A. Ocherki dialektov evenskogo iazyka. Ol’skiy govor [Studies of Even language
dialects. Ol’sky subdialect], Volume 1. Moscow, Leningrad, 1960.
8. Robbek V.A. Iazyk evenov Berezovki [Language of the Berezovka Evens]. Leningrad, 1989.
9. Sravnitel’nyy slovar’ tunguso-man’chzhurskikh iazykov [Comparative dictionary of Tungusic
languages], Volumes 1-2. Leningrad, 1975; 1977.
10. Tsintsius V.I. Ocherk grammatiki evenskogo (lamutskogo) iazyka [Study of the Even (Lamut)
language grammar], Leningrad, 1947.
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Sardana I. Sharina. Dialects of Even Language: Research Status and Classification
Диалекты эвенского языка:
состояние исследований и классификация
С.И. Шарина
Северо-Восточный федеральный университет
им. М.К. Аммосова
Россия 677000, Якутск, ул. Белинского, 58
Статья посвящена исследованию диалектов эвенского языка, их классификации.
Рассматриваются наиболее актуальные исследования эвенского языка. Ставится
практическая задача сохранения редких языков коренных малочисленных народов Севера,
Сибири и Дальнего Востока.
Ключевые слова: эвенский язык, коренные малочисленные народы Севера, Сибири и Дальнего
Востока, диалекты.
Работа выполнена в рамках исследований, финансируемых Красноярским краевым фондом
поддержки научной и научно-технической деятельности, а также в рамках тематического
плана СФУ по заданию Министерства образования и науки Российской Федерации.
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Journal of Siberian Federal University. Humanities & Social Sciences 5 (2013 6) 647-652
~~~
УДК 811.512
On Functioning of Yakut Borrowings
in the Language of the Evenki in the Amur Region
(Sociolinguistic Aspect)
Cyril N. Struchkov*
Institute of Humanitarian Researches and
Problems of Indigenous Peoples of the North SA RAS
1 Petrovsky Str., Yakutsk, Respublika Sakha (Yakutia), 677007 Russia
Received 20.12.2012, received in revised form 26.02.2013, accepted 25.04.2013
This article is devoted to the lexical borrowings from the Sakha language that reflects the direct
connections of the Evenki language with the Sakha language and shows its functioning in sociolinguistic
aspect in the folklore texts of the Evenki in the Amur Region.
Keywords: Evenki language, Yakut language, borrowings, loan words, language contacts, folklore,
sociolinguistic.
The work was fulfilled within the framework of the research financed by the Krasnoyarsk Regional
Foundation of Research and Technology Development Support and in accordance with the course
schedule of Siberian Federal University as assigned by the Ministry of Education and Science of the
Russian Federation.
The material of this article is the folklore
texts and the speech samples collected from
Amur Evenki by N.Y. Bulatova, G.I. Varlamova
and T.E. Andreeva. The subject of this research is
lexical borrowings from Yakut language. The aim
of this article is to define the level of development
of Yakut loanwords in Evenki language based on
text of Amur Evenki.
Amur Evenki dialects belong to the eastern
dialect of Evenki language. G.M. Vasilevich noted
that «the eastern dialect group is a patchwork of
dialects, keeping traces of originating from the
dialects of both Northern and Southern groups.
Dialects which are common on the territory
of one of the administrative and economic
*
centers have developed general vocabulary
and some general forms. Inversely common
dialects of the closed areas continue to keep
some peculiarities, extinct in the dialects, which
they have originated from» (Parnikova, 1962).
The problem of interaction between languages,
their partial mixing always interested scientists
and are among the most complex and pressing
problems of linguistics. Language contacts affect
phonetics, morphology, lexical composition and
interaction of language, according to the wellknown linguists can determine the course and
direction of evolutionary change. Evenki and
Yakut’s elationships have a long history, as the
documents of XVII century indicate, mentioning
© Siberian Federal University. All rights reserved
Corresponding author E-mail address: kafedrasev@mail.ru
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Cyril N. Struchkov. On Functioning of Yakut Borrowings in the Language of the Evenki in the Amur Region
Yakut and Evenki. A.S. Parnikova writes in
her paper «On the resettlement of Yakuts in
XVII-XVIII centuries.»: «At the end of the
XVII century some individual resettlement
in Outer Manchuria are known. The petition
in 1695 mentions the Yakuts of Baturusskaya
volost1 that of «away from yasak 2 collectors left
their home and drove to the Chinese side ...»
(Romanova et al, 1975: 18). Then she writes: «...
So, at the end of XVII and at the beginning of
the XVIII centuries, the Yakut population has
spread not only in remote areas of Yakutia, and
beyond it. In the XIX and early XX centuries
Yakut settlement continued. Their movement
was particularly intense due to the development
of gold mining, with the opening of the port of
Okhotsk, arrangements of the routes and the
settlement in Amur region. However, most of the
Yakut population remained within the territory
of its settlement, established in XVII-XVIII
centuries.» (Romanova et al, 1975: 19).
According to the historical data at the
beginning of the twentieth century in the Amur
region lived Oroqens, Manegry, Yakuts, Tungus
(Evenki). In the western and north-western
part of the Amur region, in the upper reaches
of the Amur and Zeya rivers- Oroqens, in the
north of the area – Yakuts, in the Upper Amur,
Selemdzha, Bureya and Big Bira upstream –
Manegry [Government Portal of the Amur
region «Joining the Amur region to Russia in
the second half XIX century – new page in the
history of the region: «Muravyevsky century on
the Amur,» section «colonization movement in
Outer Manchuria in the second half of the XIX
century.»]
According to the recollections of modern
Amur Evenki, shortly before the 1917 revolution
they were horsed and some of them had horses
and deers in their farms, such as the ancestors
of the Keptuke (Keptuken / Koptuko). These
materials were collected by G.I. Varlamova
during the expedition in 70’s in the Amur region.
(Shcherbak, 2005)
In the Amur region Evenki populate three
northern regions – Tynda, Zeya and Seleindzinski
areas (Bulatova, 1987: 3-5).
Various forms of communication influenced
the languages Evenki and Yakut. Bulatova
N.Y.notes the significant influence of the Yakut
lexics on the languages of Seleindzinski and
Dzheltulakski Evenki (Bulatova, 1987: 85).
In the speech samples collected by Andreeva
T.E. and folklore materials of Seleindzinski
Evenki collected by Bulatova N.Y., a large
amount of Yakut borrowing can be grouped
into the following lexical-semantic groups:
Related Terminology (эhэкэ < yak. эбэккэ
grandfather, эвэкэ <yak. эбэккэ grandmother,
кутэт <yak. кμтμ³т son-in-law), the names of
the cattle (инак< yak. ынах cow, огус<о¡ус
bull), the name of the area of the settled way
of life and economy (туннук< yak. тμннμк
window, киптый < yak. кыптый scissors),
words expressing abstract concepts (куранак<
yak. кураанах emty, ирас<yak. ыраас clean,
олок< yak. олох life, билир< yak. былыр in
antiquity, in the old days), the names of animals,
birds, and fish (кутуйак <yak. кутуйах mouse,
бучу¡урас< yak. бочу¡урас grouse), etc.
Thus, the text «Ilan nekunel» recorded by
A.S. Yakovleva in 1976 (Bulatova, 1987: 92),
has such Yakut borrowing as билирги «earlier»,
сэhэн «story, legend,» кейан «nowise», эдэр
«young», дурукин «all», саŋийак «fur coat»:
«Эвэнки бичэ илэн хунад`ичи. Битчэвки
этиркэн. Илан хунад`ин – илан охотникил.
Орон-до ачин, ŋина-да ачин. Тар этиркэн – д`э,
бэйуктэтчэттэн. Бэйуктэтчэвки, д`эмуливки,
екунма-да эвки вара.
Тар билирги бу5а иттин (сэhэн) бичэ тари.
Тар тэд`э-5у, ул`ок-ку, ŋи саран!
Д`э, тикэн бэйуктэтчэпки. Этиркэн
халгарин энувки, этиркэн еhалин энувки,
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эпки кейан вара бэйуŋмэ. Тар н`экэд`энэ, йаŋма
туктиттэн: «д`олокйо-5у ичэд`эм», – гуннэ.
Арай тар туктинэн,эдэр бэйэ тэ5этчэчэ. Едукта хэгдиŋэ бэйэнд`э, едук-та гуд`эй ичэдэткэн,
эвэди тэтичи бэйэ тэ5этчэчэ. Йаŋ ойомодун
тэ5этчэчэ. Тар этиркэн ŋэлэнэ-ŋэлэнэ,
да5амача. Эвэнки эвэнкилэ он этэн да5амара,
оттон унтачи, саŋийакичи, дурукин эвэнки,
тол`ко хэгдиŋэ-н`ун».
Translation: «The Evenki lived with his
three daughters. Lives (poorly) old man. Three
daughters (his) – Three hunters. No deer, no
dog. That old man hunts and hunts (pity). Hunts,
starves – kills nothing. This is a legend of the old
land (country). Is it true, is it false, who knows!
Well, he’s hunting. The old man’s feet hurt, the
old man’s eyes hurt, cannot kill a moose (wild
animal). Doing so, he climbs up the hill, «At least
I’ll be able to see a wild sheep,» – he thinks. And
when climbed up, (sees) the young man sitting
there. Very huge man, very handsome appearance,
dressed in the Evenki clothes. Sitting at the top of
the hill. That old man, being afraid, approached.
Evenki to Evenki can’t but approach, because
the fur boots, a fur coat, a hat, all is Evenki, but
huge» (Bulatova, 1987:109).
Consider another example: the Appendix
to the «Dictionary of the dzheltulakski dialect
of Evenki in Amur region» (Dictionary of
Zheltulaksky.., 2010) gives examples of speech
and folklore materials of dzheltulaksky dialect
native speakers recorded in the late 80’s. The
text represents the main language features
of the dialect as close to spoken language as
possible, according to G.I. Varlamova they are
reproduced as close to the spoken language as
possible. In samples of speech of Dzheltulakski
Evenki the influence of the Yakut language is
also visible, although only few people actually
can speak it. The text «Ноноли бини» narrated
by E.M. Malchakitov also allocates 9 Yakut
borrowings:
«Аминми энинми Нёкоткар бичаль.
Олокмаду
бальдычал,
Таанэ
даадун,
эле эмэчэль 1928 аннаныду. Нёкотыд
баллыгыраскаллу веет! Би эду иэвча биим.
Нонон эрмаль эвэнкиль Читинскай окрукту
числидяритын. Калаканду нонон эвэды окрук
бича. Кэтэкэкун тармаль эвэнкиль орэнчэль
биитын. Нонон сомат эвэдыт мут посолькаду
биин. Эткэмэль эвэнкиль лучалва аалчаль,
лучал одавар. Нимнакарва нимнакандяритын:
Сиктэнэйвэ, Дёлонойво, Чинанай-адярайва,
манекунма.
Пэнривкэду
эвиденкитын.
Мария Петровна сомат эвинкин, иктэденкин
пэнривкаду. Эткэн иктэн ачин. Эдын мэнын
онкин. Нунан Юльдульгервэ, ивульвэ савки,
аннудаи. Олонкол нонон диктыкер бичаль.
Сэхэн кэтэкэкур сэхэргэсчэми.
Бутунну эвэдачиŋкитын. Эвэдыт радиоли
сэхэргенкитын, калаканду радио иландярил
аннаныльду биин. Орэтчель эвэнкиль кэтэ
бихитын. Мальчикитав прокопий Николаевич
биин – партияльду авалинкин. Бутуннульбэ
эвэнкильвэ орорди нульгиденкин. Тарнаи
орординюн бутуннувэ овкил. Сингилаев
Николай Петрович судидянкин, судья.
Ликбесил биитын, татканкитын эгдыльвэда уакарва-да. Абрамова Анна Васильевна
кэргэнын орикичи биин, Ленингратту
оренча. Мария Петровна ген этырканын нан
Ленингратту оренча. Тарнаи Дуганов бандит,
туальдяна, эвэнкильвэ гача биин, орордитын
туандави, дебгэльви, ерви урувдотын.
Могочиду япоал биитын тэли. Тадук орэкчэль
эвэнкильбэ каиду тэвритын. Сингилаев
Николай Петровичва нан сутту бучаль».
Translation: «Past Life»
My father and my mother were Nekotkar.
They were born on Olekma near Tyana and
arrived here in 1928. Spoke excellent Yakut! I’ve
grown up here. Previously, local Evenki were
registered in Chita Region (national). There was a
district in Kalakan (center district was Kalakan).
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Many Evenki of that time learnt it. Everything
was in Yakut language. Today’s Evenks try to
seek after Russians as it will make them Russians.
(meaning that they speak Russian) Nimngakany
nimngakanili: about Siktenee, Delaunay, about
Chinanae – monster, from the tribe of mango.
Played vargan. Maria Petrovna played very
(good), banged (playing) in the vargan. Now she
has no teeth (for vargan playing is important to
have good front teeth). Her husband made them
himself (vargans). She knows a about Yuldulger,
about Ivul (tales), ask her. Olonkho (nimŋakanov)
like many dove was. There are a lot of stories to
tell.
Everybody spoke Evenki. Evenki was spoken
on the radio; they already had it in Kalakan in the
30’s. There were a lot of educated (literate) Evenki.
Malchekitov Procopius Nikolaevich was in the
Party work. He inspected the Evenki on reindeers.
Everything was done with the reindeers then.
Sigilaev Nikolai Petrovich was the judge. There
was a literacy campaign. Literacy classes were
taught with both children and adults. Abramova
Anna Vasilyevna’s husband was educated, studied
in Leningrad. In those days, Duganov gunman
escaping, captured the Evenki to use reindeers
to escape with food and everything else. The
Japanese were in Mogocha (train station). Then
all educated (literate) Evenki were put in prison.
Singilaev Nikolai Petrovich was also convicted»
(Dictionary of Zheltulaksky.., 2010).
A lot of foreign language elements have
penetrated in Evenki languages throughout the
long history of its existence. It is not a negative fact;
on the contrary, it enriches the language, making
it more concise and expressive. Penetrating the
Evenki, foreign language lexical units were
reformed in accordance with the internal laws of
development, they have changed the composition
of the sound according to its phonetic system, if
they had sounds not typical for Evenk phonetic
system. They acquired new meanings, etc. Only
as a result of such reforming were they established
in the Evenki language. From this reasons we can
at least distinguish two principal ones. Firstly, the
need to express the new meanings. Secondly, the
need to update the lexical system, replacing old,
lost expressiveness lexical units with new, more
expressive. In the first case, lexical borrowings
have no synonyms; in the second synonyms
appear as a result of the borrowing.
Basic vocabulary of these dialects is
represented by general Evenki vocabulary.
However, a significant number of the Evenki,
Yakut and Russian borrowings are used in the
language.
The texts show that the Yakut lexical
borrowings were subjected to the typical Evenki
language phonetic development: бутунну < yak.
бутуннуу all, Бутуннульбэ < yak. Everybody,
all, бутуннувэ < yak. in all, altogether; кэргэн
< yak. кэргэн family, оренча < yak. у³рэннэ
learned, кихалга < yak. кыhал±а need,
сэхэргенгкин < yak. сэhэргээччи usually told.
About 17 Yakut lexical borrowing were found in
7 texts.
Analysis of language materials of given
dialects shows: 1) Yakut borrowing entered
into most thematic groups of Evenki language,
2) vocabulary includes Evenki Yakut borrowing
reflecting a settled life; 3) in the lexicon of
the Evenki, Yakut borrowing keep their main
meaning. Evenki use loan words in their speech
semantically correct.
When deciding on the development of the
borrowing it is necessary to consider the process
of assimilation of foreign words both in speech
and in language.
To determine the level of development of
foreign language borrowing in the speech of
Amur Evenki the following features are relevant:
reproducibility of foreign words (in written
language – it is the number of word usage in
the analyzed works: 12 cases of word usage
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Cyril N. Struchkov. On Functioning of Yakut Borrowings in the Language of the Evenki in the Amur Region
of Yakut in the texts of Seleindzinsk Evenki,
Dzheltulakski Evenki – 17 cases. All informants
use Yakut borrowings in their speech); semantic
assimilation of foreign words – Evenki know the
meanings of the loan words in spoken language; in
spoken and written language Evenki understand
and correctly use foreign-language polysemantic
word, Evenki take many foreign words for «their
own», «Evenki».
2) To determine the level of assimilation
of foreign words in the language the following
indicators are relevant:
– consolidation of loan words in
dictionaries;
– semantic and stylistic development of
loan words;
– number of meanings of polysemantic
word;
– the nature of the interpretation of
meanings (expansion or contraction of
the meaning);
– the presence or absence of a figurative
sense;
1
2
– the presence or absence of usage labels,
their characteristics.
Relevant characteristics of loan words from
Yakut language of Amur Evenki are clearly seen
on the above examples: they put on the EvenkiRussian dictionary, mastered semantically
correct, figurative words may have no more
than two meanings, changing of the semantics
of a small part of the nouns is either reduced
to narrowing the meaning of the word or to an
additional meanings of the word, which leads to
some expansion of semantics, or changing the
meaning of the word.
The time the borrowing of foreign words
is not critical to the process of assimilating it in
speech and language. To the degree of perception
of the loan words as «theirs» the time of borrowing
is much more relevant. But according to linguists
the analysis of the fate of many foreign-language
borrowings suggests that the word must be used
in spoken and written language for at least 100
years for the ordinary native speakers not to feel
its foreignness.
Small rural district in old Russia.
Turkic word for «tribute» that was used in Imperial Russia to designate fur tribute exacted from the indigenous peoples of
Siberia.
References
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
Bulatova N.Y. Dialects of Evenks in Amur region. [Govory evenkov Amurskoi oblasti]. L., LO
Nauka, 1987.
Vasilevich G.M. Essays of Evenks (Tungus) dialects. [Ocherki dialekti evenkijskogo (tungusskogo)]
L., Uchpedgiz, 1948.
Parnikova A.S. About the settlement of Yakuts in XVII-XVIII// Siberia in XVII-XVIII. [O rasseleniji
yakutov v XVII-XVIII vv.// Sibir’ XVII-XVIII vv.] Publishing house of AS USSR. Novosibirsk,
1962.
Romanova A.V., Myreeva A.N., Barashkova P.P. Interaction between Evenk and Yakut language.
[Vzaimovliyanije evenkijskogo i yakutskogo yazykov]L., Nauka, 1975.
Dictionary of Zheltulaksky dialect of Evenks in Amur region. Blagoveshchensk, BSPU pub.,
2 vol., 2009, 2010.
Comparative dictionary of Tungusic languages. T. I-II// L., 1975, 1977.
Shcherbak A.M. Turkic-Mongolian communication in history of Mongolian languages. [Turskomongol’skije yazikovye kontakty v istoriji mongolskih yazikov] S-P.: Nauka, 2005.
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О функционировании якутских заимствований
в языке эвенков Амурской области
(социолингвистический аспект)
К.Н. Стручков
Институт гуманитарных исследований
и проблем малочисленных народов Севера СО РАН
Россия 677007, Якутск, ул. Петровского, 1
Данная статья посвящена якутским лексическим заимствованиям, отражающим
непосредственное контактирование эвенкийского языка с якутским, и их функционированию в
социолингвистическом аспекте в фольклорных текстах эвенков Амурской области.
Ключевые слова: эвенкийский, якутский, заимствования, языковые контакты, фольклор,
социолингвистический.
Работа выполнена в рамках исследований, финансируемых Красноярским краевым фондом
поддержки научной и научно-технической деятельности, а также в рамках тематического
плана СФУ по заданию Министерства образования и науки Российской Федерации.
Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис»
Journal of Siberian Federal University. Humanities & Social Sciences 5 (2013 6) 653-659
~~~
УДК 811.512
From the History of Publication
of Educational Materials on Even Language
Ekaterina A. Krivoshapkina*
M.K. Ammosov North-Eastern Federal University in Yakutsk
58 Belinskiy Str., Yakutsk, 677980 Russia
Received 10.01.2013, received in revised form 25.02.2013, accepted 15.04.2013
The article deals with the study of the Even language as a native language. The author considers the
problems associated with production and use of educational materials for the people who study the
Even language. The author notes that nowadays one can get only the primary school education in the
Even language and calls for using new educational materials for all years of the secondary school
education.
Keywords: the Even language, primary school, provision with educational materials, indigenous
minorities of the North, Siberia and the Far East.
The work was fulfilled within the framework of the research financed by the Krasnoyarsk Regional
Foundation of Research and Technology Development Support and in accordance with the course
schedule of Siberian Federal University as assigned by the Ministry of Education and Science of the
Russian Federation.
The main type of teaching material for
secondary school is still a textbook. Textbook
with workbook, vocabulary, books for reading,
atlas, album and other publications are the subject
training kit or a training set. In the transition to
the new secondary school education content it
is essential to accelerate the creation of modern
teaching materials for the study of the native
language, to publish the necessary programs and
manuals.
However, in today’s editions of the
teaching materials we should use the
experience of the past years. It is appropriate
to recall the work of enthusiasts – Even
language first teachers and researchers, and
their role in the preparation and publication
*
of educational materials in the languages of
Indigenous Peoples of the North.
The first steps in the publication of textbooks
and instructional materials in the languages
of minorities of the North were made in the
late 20’s – early 30’s of the last century. This
work was closely connected with the problems
of organization of the written language and
publishing books in the languages of the peoples
of the North. The VII extended plenum of the
Committee of the North, in Leningrad in April
1930, addressed the matter of creating literature
in the languages of the North amongst other
issues. The task of creating manuals, primers
and textbooks for schools, native settlements and
stations of illiteracy liquidation in Russian and
© Siberian Federal University. All rights reserved
Corresponding author E-mail address: kafedrasev@mail.ru
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Ekaterina A. Krivoshapkina. From the History of Publication of Educational Materials on Even Language
native languages was given at the plenary session,
along with the selection and publication of popular
literature for the distribution to the North. As a
result of this work a “common northern alphabet”
was developed based on the Latin alphabet,
which was approved by the science section of the
People’s Committee of Education of the RSFSR
in February 23, 1931.
However, the first handwritten primers made
by the teacher enthusiasts appeared even before
the publication of primers and textbooks in the
areas where people of the North lived. Thus,
in 1930, N.P. Tkachik compiled Even language
primer based on Russian grammar in the Arka
School of the Okhotsk-Evensk National District
(Book Culture… 2008, p. 8). Twenty copies of it
were handwritten using carbon paper and used on
the lessons of Even language. In 1931 V.I. Levin’s
Latin based Even primer was copied in the same
manner [ibid.]. In those circumstances, at the
lack of elementary working conditions: premises,
classrooms, desks, paper and ink, technical
means; problem of textbooks lack was solved on
the spot thanks to the first teachers. Those were
the heroic efforts and the hard work of enthusiasts
for the benefit of society. The current generation
of native language teachers should learn from
this experience and use it to solve a number
of problems in the educational system of the
Indigenous peoples of the North.
The best of North studies scientists and
teachers worked on the written language and
books, including textbooks and teaching aids in
the Institute of the North (Leningrad), and most
importantly, started training in the languages
the North. Worth mentioning that students
of this Institute were actively involved in the
work on the publication of textbooks, translated
and original literature in the native languages
(Book Culture… 2008, pp. 9). With their direct
participation in the 1932 Leningrad branch
of Uchpedgiz (Pedagogical State Publishing)
published the first primer in the languages of
the North. Following the publication of the first
primers, programs on language and guidelines for
teachers were published – “Explanatory Notes”
to the ABC books. Publishing of the books for
reading in the native languages began in 1933,
and the first native language textbooks – in 1934
(Zubov, 2009, p.130).
The first textbook in Even «Annamta
topan» (“New Word”) has been prepared for
publication byV.I .Tsintsius in 1932, with the
active participation of the following students:
P.V. Adukanov, A.A. Cherkanov, N.S. Tarabukin,
N.K. Nerevl, P.V. Tylkanov (Book Culture…
2008, p.13). It was republished in Magadan just
a year later. After the textbook, V.I. Tsintsius
prepared and published the manual “To help
teachers working with the Even (Lamutsky –
outdated) first textbook “New Word”.
Since 1933 books for reading, arithmetic
textbooks for I, II grades, grammar, spelling
and native language textbooks were published in
several languages of the North, including Even.
Even language textbook for I, II grades in 1934
and for III, IV grades in 1935 became a big event
for Evens. The author of these books was the
V.I. Tsintsius.
On March 7, 1937 the Soviet government
decided to transfer the graphic language of the
North to the Russian base. Shifting to the Russian
alphabet allowed people of the North to join to the
Russian language and culture faster, to develop
their own culture and language, and to simplify
and reduce the cost of publishing. For this
reason Leningrad branch of Uchpedgize started
republication of textbooks and teaching materials
in the languages of the North (Book Culture…
2008, p.15).
A decree of the Central Committee of the
CPSU (Communist Party of the Soviet Union),
and CPC (Council of People’s Commissars) on
the teaching of Russian language in the schools of
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the national republics and regions was published
on March 13, 1938. This decree was a watershed
in the work of national schools for teaching native
and Russian languages. In accordance with the
directives on the indigenization of non-Russian
schools the task to create textbooks for primary
schools in 9 languages of the North was given
(Krongauz, 1950, p.138). Since 1939, the Institute
of the North was asked to start preparatory work on
the development of the native language textbooks
for high school, which could be used in teacher
training colleges. However, only the “ABC” for
the Even elementary school by A.R. Bespalenko
(1940) and the first part of the tutorial on grammar
and spelling of Even language by N.P. Tkachik
“Эвэды төрэм хупкучилдывун: грамматика,
дяпкадун дукун: нонап ханин” (1941) were
prepared and published until the beginning
of World War II. The work on publication of
textbooks has been suspended during the war
years.
After the war in 1945, the CPC considered
the “Measures for improvement of primary
and secondary schools of the Far North”.
The Commissariat was to prepare and OGIZ
(ASPB – Association of State book and magazine
publishers) to print the required number of books
in native languages, along with training plans,
programs and visual aids (Book Culture…
2008, p.18). These measures had to address the
lack of textbooks and teaching aids at the places
of residence of the people of the North. At that
time, teaching in primary schools was conducted
in Russian because of the lack of teachers who
knew the native language and textbooks in that
language. But the main reason for this was an
increase in the number of schools and boarding
schools for children of reindeer herders and
hunters and, therefore, an increasing number of
students in these schools.
Leningrad branch of Uchpedgiz resumed
production of educational, methodical and
fictional literature. The above-mentioned primer
by A.R. Bespalenko was republished as early as
in 1945; textbooks by V.I. Tsintsius for grades
I, III were published in 1946, in 1947 – for
the grade II and in 1950 – for grade IV. These
textbooks were in demand from 1956 to 1979, and
stood up to six editions. In addition, during the
period from 1945 to 1958, the publishing house
released arithmetic textbooks and collections of
arithmetical sums for the grades I and II in Even
translated by V.D. Lebedev, I.V. Monakhova, and
B.L. Krongauz.
Reissue of the textbooks and teaching
materials has intensified after the meeting on
the prospects of newly created written language
in 1952. The Institute of Linguistics of the
Academy of Sciences USSR, together with the
office of the non-Russian schools of the Ministry
of Education of the RSFSR and the Leningrad
branch of Uchpedgiz considered questions about
the prospects of newly created written language,
spelling, and alphabets of some of these languages
during their meeting (Book Culture… 2008,
p.19). It was concluded to introduce additional
characters to the alphabet of some languages,
including Even.
After the meeting Uchpedgiz started
publishing special brochures and books on sound
composition and the basic rules of spelling in some
languages of the North. Even language textbooks
were revised and republished and the series
of teachers’ guides called «To help teachers of
Northern schools” was released (Book Culture…
2008, p.20).
L.D. Rishes, research scientist, was actively
involved in publishing of the Even language
textbooks in 50’s. So, she prepared and published a
textbook for preparatory class in the Even schools.
This book was revised and reissued in 1959,
and subsequently stood up to two more editions
(1964, 1972). In 1956 B.L. Krongauz released
Even language textbook for the second grade,
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which was also revised and reissued in 1962. In
addition, preparation and publication of bilingual
dictionaries started during this period, along with
a practice to enclose dictionaries to the reading
books for elementary school students. In 1949,
the Russian-Even and Even-Russian dictionaries
by V.I. Tsintsius, and L.D. Rishes were published.
Those dictionaries contributed greatly to the
practical command of dialects and sub-dialects
of the native language, along with Russian, and
altogether it contributed to the development of
creative writing skills of the students. (Book
Culture… 2008, p.20]. Many of the students of
that period went on with writing, and became
well-known writers. Today every school student
is familiar with the works of such Even writers
as A.V. Krivoshapkina, V.S. KeymetinovaBargachana,
V.A.
Keymetinova-KөettiKөetmetti.
Thus, production of training and
educational materials for national schools
was a continuation of cultural construction
in the post war period. New textbooks helped
students to acquire and develop knowledge of
their native language, and to learn Russian.
Must be said that during this period the work
on the preparation of Even language textbooks
for elementary school, begun in 1930, would
continue and complete.
In 1963 Uchpedgiz was renamed to the
“Prosveshcheniye” publishing house. In 1960-1970
years the publishing house continued republishing
Even language textbooks for primary schools. In
1962 supplemented textbooks for grade I and II
by V.I. Tsintsius and B.L. Krongauz, respectively,
were republished once again. In 1964 – the ABC
and the textbook by L.D. Rishes for preparatory
class. In the following years, the practice of reeditions of textbooks continued: between 197984 the primer and the abovementioned primer
textbook by V.I .Tsintsius have been reprinted
several times.
Compared with textbooks published in
1930-1950’s, these textbooks had a higher quality
printing and design. All of them were printed
in large and sharp print on good paper, and had
beautifully decorated hard covers. The number
of people in whose language the textbooks were
published was usually taken into account when
determining the number of printed copies.
Subsequently the release of textbooks has
intensified in accordance with the resolution
of the Central Committee of the CPSU and the
USSR Council of Ministers “On measures to
further economic and social development of the
areas inhabited by peoples of the North” in 1980.
It, in particular, focuses on the need for curriculum
development, preparation and production of
textbooks, teaching aids and dictionaries for
secondary schools, teacher training colleges and
institutes, visual aids and guidelines for preschool.
Fulfilling the resolution Goskomizdat (the
State Committee for Publishing) of the RSFSR
on June 26, 1980 issued an order N 238, which
raised the question of improving the publication
of books in the languages of indigenous peoples
of the North. “Prosveshcheniye” publishing
house was instructed to provide textbooks and
manuals on national languages at a high scientific,
ideological and methodological level, with good
printing and design, as well to continue preparing
books for home reading for schools and books for
teachers in the native and Russian languages; to
publish textbooks and training manuals in local
languages for the teacher training colleges and
institutes.
According to this resolution the textbook
“Even language: a textbook and book for reading
for grade III.” by A.V. Krivoshapkin was published
in 1980, in collaboration with A.A. Keymetinova,
the Even language teacher of Sebyan-Kyuelsk
school, the honored teacher of the schools of
YASSR (Yakut Autonomous Soviet Socialist
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Republic). The textbook was supplemented and
republished three times: in 1987, 1991, 1997.
V.I. Tsintsius in collaboration with T.K. Kopyrina,
Topolinsk high school teacher, is releasing “Primer
for the elementary school,” but it was published
after the scientist’s death in 1989. That same year,
T.K. Kopyrina releases samples of writing for the
first class pupils of the four-year primary school
«Дуканмай (хупкуттилду бэлэлдывун)». Its
republishing was carried out in 1994.
With the Concept of the revival of the national
schools in the Republic of Sakha (Yakutia) starts
a new stage in the publication of educational and
instructional materials for indigenous peoples of
the North. Since the mid 90’s of the last century
the publication and republication of the books
livens up: “Prosveshcheniye” republishes the
primer by V.I .Tsintsius and T.K. Kopyrin (1994),
textbooks for grades II and III by N.I. Gladkov,
V.A. Robbek (1997, 2001, 2003), “Drofa”
published and republished the primer for the first
grade by A.A. Burykin (1994, 2002).
Since the early 1990’s in the local publishing
houses began to produce educational and
methodological literature. So, in 1990, educational
materials on the Even language for grade IV
were published, in 1995 – a picture dictionary for
learning Even language “Эвэдич төрэдэй татли.”
The author of this work is A.V. Sivtseva, teacher
of the Even language in Olenegorsk school,
Excellent Educator of the RSFSR, Excellent
Educator of Sakha (Yakutia). In 1997 “The EvenRussian phrasebook” by A.P. Stepanova, Even
language teacher of the Sebyan-Kyuelsk school,
was published.
As a part of the series “To help primary school
teachers” and “School of the Far North,” various
teaching aids and materials were released. So, in
1990 the manual for teachers “Guidelines for the
Even ABC” by O.N. Keymetinova were publish.
In the period from 1990 to 1994, the author, the
first scientist and instructor from the Evens,
pprepared and published eleven methodological
works to help Even language teachers. She has
published teaching guidelines, didactic materials,
including – subject planning of the Even language
lessons, teaching aids for the development of the
speech, “Collection of dictations” for I-II and IIIIV grades co-authored with A.A. Keymetinova.
O.N. Keymetinova is also the author of “the
Program of Even language for V-IX grades”
(1991). In 2001 the program was included in the
book “A typical general education program on the
languages of Tungusic language group for schools
of the North» (V-IX grades), published by the
Institute of National Problems of Education of the
Ministry of Education in the Russian Federation.
For twenty years this program remains the only
one of its kind, it is in great demand in the national
schools of Even.
Since 2000’s students in the Even schools
have textbooks of the new format. Among them
should be mentioned tutorials by U.P. Tarabukina,
“Even language in Tables” (2002), “The Even
ABC in verse” (2003), integrated textbook for the
first grade “Nyot “ (2007), a textbook for the Even
language II class “Gyavan” (2008). The author
was able to publish methodically competent
and consistent, useful, interesting, fascinating
textbooks for primary school children. In 2007
no less interesting “Funny Even alphabet” by
A.A. Burykin was published.
In the last decade, production of dictionaries
has intensified. So “Picture Dictionary” by
E.E. Balaganchik (2002), “Even-Russian
thesaurus” by A.D. Keymetinova (2003), “School
Topical Dictionary” by E.N. Bokovaya (2007),
“Even-Russian dictionary for nomadic schools”
by V.A. Robbek (2006), all this books have been
issued for primary school students. In addition,
pupils are able to use Even-Russian and RussianEven dictionaries by V.A. Robbek, A.A. Burykin,
vocabulary-phrasebook by H.I. Dutkina, four-part
etymological dictionary by V.A. Keymetinova.
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Ekaterina A. Krivoshapkina. From the History of Publication of Educational Materials on Even Language
It is relevant to note the manuals and programs
for nomadic ungraded school: “The program of
training and education of children in the spirit of
the ancestors for the I-IV grades of the nomadic
school for peoples of the North” by R.S. Nikitina,
A.V. Krivoshapkin, textbooks for primary school
“Хопкил бинитэн” (Lessons ancestors, 2000) by
R.S. Nikitin, “Taiga alphabet” (2004), “Learning
to live in the land” (2005), guidelines for textbook
“Lessons of the ancestors” for the Even primary
school (2001) “Айанна-мут дют” (Nature – our
house, 2002) by U.P. Tarabukina. The value of
these textbooks is that along with the formation
of elementary knowledge of the outside world,
principles of personal and social safety, the
environment and natural resources, they can
build language skills and enrich the vocabulary
of pupils in primary schools.
At the end of our study, it is necessary to list
all of the authors of textbooks and manuals on
the Even language, their undeniable contribution
to the education system of Evens. Thanks to
enthusiast teachers like N.P. Tkachik, V.I. Levin
in the early 1930’s. fi rst handwritten primers
appeared, which played an important role in
educating the Evens to write and to read. The
fi rst primer and textbooks for primary schools
have been published as a result of the hard work
of the North Studies scientist, a specialist in
Tungus languages – V.I. Tsintsius. In this regard
we have to remember the names of the fi rst
students of the Institute of the North, who took an
active part in the drafting of the fi rst textbook of
Even language: P.V. Adukanov, A.A. Cherkanov,
N.S. Tarabukin, N.K. Nerevlya, P.V. Tylkanov.
“Prosveshcheniye” continues to publish manuals
by V.I. Tsintsius even after her death in 1983.
According to our data, in the period from 1932
to 1994, Tsintsius’ textbooks and teaching aids
have been published and republished twenty-six
times.
The following scientists have contributed
to the publication of teaching aids: L.D. Rishes,
A.R. Bespalenko, K.A. Novikova, N.I. Gladkova,
V.I. Levin, B.L. Krongauz, Z.I. Kovaleva,
V.A. Robbek, H.I. Dutkin, A.A. Burykin,
writers – V.D. Lebedev (as a translator),
A.V. Krivoshapkin, methodologists and teachers
of Even language – A.A. Keymetinova,
O.N. Keymetinova, T.K. Kopyrina, A.V. Sivceva,
U.P. Tarabukina, E.N. Bokova, A.D. Keymetinova,
E.E .Balaganchik.
Summing up:
– despite the positive learning experience
of Even language authors are still limited by
primary education (I-IV grades) in addressing
the development and publication of teaching
materials;
– Even language learning at the main
training stage (V-XI grades) is in a very difficult
situation because of complete lack of teaching
materials. This situation requires an immediate
solution to the problem taking into account
modern technology training;
– it is necessary to develop appropriate
models and varied learning techniques of Even
language learning taking into account the
language situation: as for the native speakers and
for the non-speakers, who don’t know their ethnic
language as the majority in the republic .
References
1.
Zubov, S.F. The role of the St. Petersburg publishing house «Prosveshcheniye» in the
preservation of the language and culture of the Far North, Siberia and the Far East. [Rol’
Sankt-Peteburgskogo yizdatel’stva «Prosveshchenije» v sokhraneniji yazyka i kultury narodov
Kraijnego Severa, Sibiry i Dal’nego Vostoka // Rodnye yaziki korennyh malochislennyh nardov
Rossijskoy Federaciy v systeme rossiyskogo obrazovanija. ] / / Native languages of Indigenous
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Ekaterina A. Krivoshapkina. From the History of Publication of Educational Materials on Even Language
2.
3.
Peoples of the Russian Federation in the Russian education system: a collection of scientificmethod. Art / Ministry of the regional development of Russia. Federation, M-Education of
Resp. Sakha (Yakutia), [ch. Ed. F.V. Gabysheva]. Yakutsk, Offset, 2009. p.129-132.
Book Culture of Evens: method. Manual [Knizhnaya kul’tura evenov: metod] / Ministry of science
and professional education of the RS (Y) Institute of problems of indigenous peoples of the North,
Russian Academy of Sciences; [comp. L.N. Potapova] Yakutsk: Offset, 2008. 116 p.
Krongauz F.F. The main problems of the Soviet school of the people of the North / / History and
Economy of the Far North of the USSR [Osnovnye problemy sovetskoy shkoly narodov Severa//
Istorija I economika Krainego severa]. L., 1950. P. 138.
Из истории издания учебно-методической литературы
по эвенскому языку
Е.А. Кривошапкина
Северо-Восточный федеральный университет
им. М.К. Аммосова
Россия 677000, Якутск, ул. Белинского, 58
Статья посвящена изучению эвенского языка как родного языка. Автор рассматривает
проблемы, связанные с изготовлением и использованием учебно-методической литературы
для людей, изучающий эвенский язык. Автор фиксирует тот факт, что в настоящее время на
эвенском языке можно получить лишь начальное образование, и призывает разрабатывать
новое учебно-методическое обеспечение для всех классов среднего школьного образования.
Ключевые слова: эвенский язык, начальная школа, учебно-методическое обеспечение, коренные
малочисленные народы Севера, Сибири и Дальнего Востока.
Работа выполнена в рамках исследований, финансируемых Красноярским краевым фондом
поддержки научной и научно-технической деятельности, а также в рамках тематического
плана СФУ по заданию Министерства образования и науки Российской Федерации.
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Journal of Siberian Federal University. Humanities & Social Sciences 5 (2013 6) 660-663
~~~
УДК 902.7(571.6)
Cosmogonic Motifs in Folklore of the Evens
Varvara G. Belolyubskaya*
M.K. Ammosov North-Eastern Federal University in Yakutsk
58 Belinskiy Str., Yakutsk, 677980 Russia
Received 10.01.2013, received in revised form 04.02.2013, accepted 23.04.2013
The article analyzes cosmological motifs of folklore of the Evens. The Evens are a group of indigenous
peoples of the North, Siberia and the Far East. The author examines the basic images of cosmological
myths of the Evens, explores the vocabulary with which these images are present in the Even
language.
Keywords: Evens, folklore, cosmogony, indigenous peoples of the North, Siberia and the Far East.
The work was fulfilled within the framework of the research financed by the Krasnoyarsk Regional
Foundation of Research and Technology Development Support and in accordance with the course
schedule of Siberian Federal University as assigned by the Ministry of Education and Science of the
Russian Federation.
The study of the Evens folklore is
associated with the names of such famous
Russian ethnographers, linguists, folklorists as
V.G. Bogoraz-Tan, V.I. Levina, B.L. Krongauz,
K.A. Novikova, V.D. Lebedev, Zh.K. Lebedeva,
V.A. Robbek, K.S. Cherkanova, A.A. Burykina,
E.N. Bokova, M.P. Fedotova and others.
In 1937-38 of the last century a teacher of the
Arka village of the Okhotsk region N.P. Tkachik
wrote from the words of narrator N.G. Mokrousov
such epic monuments of the Evens as “Delgeni”,
“Chivdevel”, “Geakchaval” that were republished
in Yakutsk in 1986. The folklore-ethnographic
part was written by Zh.K. Lebedeva.
In 1958, the Magadan book publishing
house issued a collection “The Evens folklore”,
the author of which was K.A. Novikova. This
collection includes stories, legends, songs and
riddles collected by the author from 1934 to 1956
*
in the territory of the Far North, Magadan Region
and Khabarovsk Territory. K.A. Novikova was
the first who clearly identified the Evens folklore
genres:
1. Nimkan – an ancient epic narration
2. Telen – a legend, personal stories of a
historical character
3. Yike – a song-improvisation
4. Nenuker – riddles
5. Dyontan yike – a song of praise
6. Dyonchidyak yike – a song-reminiscence
7. Dyargan yike – a mocking song
8. Alma yike – a song-imitation
9. Riddles
10. Shamanic songs – spells
11. Lullabies
12. Works of religious and magical content
of the underground, above ground worlds, spirits
and witches.
© Siberian Federal University. All rights reserved
Corresponding author E-mail address: kafedrasev@mail.ru
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Varvara G. Belolyubskaya. Cosmogonic Motifs in Folklore of the Evens
As noted by the researcher the Evens folklore
works are notable for the diversity of themes,
originality, artistic imagery, rich expressive
poetic language. Tales about animals were
especially prevalent and, as noted by the author,
their “origin refers to very ancient times when
the Evens superstitiously worshiped the animals
and attributed to them a particularly mysterious
power and believed that the animals lived like
people” (6:15;)
E.N. Bokova, an Evens writer and folklorist
identifies the following types:
– Khaman nyayan – shamanic chant
– Gamachin kurum yikelni – wedding
songs
– Bini dyugulin yike – songs about life
– Khokanchin-orelden yiken – a song of
joy
– Nabuchin-khonan yiken – a song of
sorrow
– Kinrin-kengelin, ach torene yike –
wordless songs
The work of a great scientist, anthropologist
and linguist A.A. Burykin titled “Small genres
of the Evens folklore” published in St. Petersburg
in 2001 is of great scientific value. The book of
273 pages contains over 1,100 Evens original
riddles, proverbs, charms, customs, regulations
and omens in Evens and Russian.
The author provided not only the material of
other researchers of the Evens folklore written at
different times from the words of the Evens of
Kamchatka, Chukotka, Magadan Region, but
also he expanded the scope of the research view
on folklore, he provided valuable sources that
differ with great authenticity, plenitude of the
scientific work and a comprehensive analysis. It
should be noted that the researcher for the first
time in the history of the national folklore study
collected bit by bit, analyzed a wealth of factual
material revealing the ancient spiritual culture of
the Evens that reflects the philosophical, poetic,
language and socio-psychological picture of the
ethnic group.
The Evens nimkans – epic tales, the heroic
tales contain mythological motifs of the origin
of the universe. In mythology of the Evens the
cosmogonic world is divided into three layers –
Hergide, Hergeg tor – Underworld, Dulag tor –
Middle land and Oygide, Oyig tor – Upper
World. According to Zh.K. Lebedeva – a folklore
researcher of the Evens, the texts have “historical
roots and heroic motifs, go directly back to the
period of early philosophical ideas, as evidenced
by well-defined residuals of totemism, the cult
of fire, nature and archaic traditions – such as
putting the body of an enemy to fire, killing of a
neighbor in the hour of his painful death, pinning
an enemy’s head on a battle tree” (5:6;)
As mentioned in the folklore texts, the creator
of the universe is Hevki, Hevkie, Hevkinde – a
Higher deity that lives in the Upper world. Hevki
created the Middle land and its inhabitants,
protects and punishes them. And the inhabitants
of the Earth come to him in difficult situations
with prayers and ask for help. The inhabitants of
the Middle world are people – Bey, birds – degil,
animals – delgenkel.
In the Underground Lower world lives
Arinka, Arisag – a human-like creature with one
eye and one horn covered with hair. Sometimes
Arinka takes human form and sometimes comes
to the Middle world in the form of an animal
or a bird, kidnaps people and takes them to the
Underworld, lurks deers, totem animals, sends
them diseases, incites them to commit evil acts.
Many animals, birds and animals lived
under the protection of Hevki, had the gift of
transformation and could speak. Initially Bei
the man was a son of the Dog. The Dog was
bare then. Once Hevki said to Ning the Dog that
a person would become its master, but he must
be hidden from Arinka – the Evil Spirit. The
Dog hid the man in its bosom and lay shivering.
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Arinka came and asked what it was hiding in its
bosom, the Dog said, “I do not hide anything”.
Arinka then promised to the Dog shaggy warm
clothes. The Dog gave its son up. Arinka grabbed
the man and tore his joints so that he lost his
strength and agility. God came, got very angry
and deprived the Dog of speech, pulled its nose
so that it became a muzzle and said that it would
serve to the Man as a punishment. Arinka cursed
the Man and ordered that although he would
live in prosperity, he would remember God only
in difficult times, and being strong would kill
everyone on Earth (E.A. Danilov, born in 1909 in
Oymyakon district, 1993)
Another myth says that in the past only one
woman lived on Earth – Tor Eninni – Mother
of Earth; she had three children – Munrukan –
a Hare, Egdete – a Moose and Uyamkan – a
Bighorn sheep. Because of disobedience
they were deprived of speech, dispersed into
different directions and even lost their former
pleasant appearance. When Mother of the
Earth left to search for food for the children,
the Hare ate the whole food supply alone and
the brothers were left hungry. When the mother
returned she was very surprised by the fact that
the Moose’s lips became thick and puffy from
strong weeping. The Hare jumped behind the
heard and laughed so hard that his lips burst,
and the Bighorn sheep was so scared that his
horns curled.
In the past the Earth, the Middle world,
was a small land, the only person on which was
Omcheni – a man. He got lonely and he went
to look for friends. Water was all around. And
suddenly Omcheni saw Nyanin, a little Mountain
in heaven, where animals and birds were flying,
walking and grazing. The man put a Hurka-loop
on them for the night. In the morning, he heard
swearing, and this was Dog crying and cursing,
and the rest fled. The man deprived the Dog of
speech so it kept the secret and did not prevent
catching inhabitants of the Upper World. The
Sun – Noltek got so frightened that it changed the
time of the light. When it hides from the man the
night comes, and in winter when the inhabitants
of Heaven are inactive because of the cold the
Sun does not shine for the man at all.
A small fragment of the myth written
in 1998 from an Even – clan Gotninkan
J.G. Gromov, born in 1928, a resident of the
Oymyakon Region describes a dispute between
Hevki – God, Oyinde – an inhabitant of the Earth
and Arinka – an inhabitant of the Underworld.
The cause of the dispute was wings hidden by
Oyinde called Mana that were designed for
a long-distance flight of God for creation of
the world. God created the land in the middle
of the water, made a Man, called him younger
brother – Noine. Arinka asked, begged the
man and promised him a silver circle, a horse,
but Oindya did not say where the hidden wings
were. If Arinka fi nds the wings, the end of the
world will come. Our informant remembered
the words and the melody of the myth from his
mother – A.P. Gromovaya, who learned how to
sing it from her grandmother. The myth contains
outdated taboo words – archaisms – Mana –
wings, geramka – a step, tonin – a land.
The text is replete with words that have
emphatic vowels to indicate request, prayer,
order, question, address. It should be noted
that pronunciation of the words with emphatic
vowels at the end of words gives the speech
melodiousness and creates a special rhythm.
For example: Gonis-e –told you-already,
dyairis-a –is-it-you who hid them, tor-e –landah. Gele-e – come-on. When pronouncing the
words the final vowels are stretched increasing
the expressiveness of the thoughts expressed.
Manav yile dyayris-a –where-indeed did you
hide a wing-ah. Yile torle dyayris-a. In what
land did you hid-ah? Oindechen-Oinde, gele goli,
goli-ge, mindu. Oinde, come on tell me. Menem
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chondukem Noinev-u –a Silver circle of Noine is
mine. Dyayris-a –hid-a. Erek tor-e oddyn yile?
The end of the land where? In 2000, we also wrote
a small myth “Ilan Uyamkan” from the words of
the resident of the Oymyakon ulus in Yakutia
E.A. Danilova. It tells how Arinka sent three
heroes of the Earth to Heaven turning them into
three hunters for killing everything on earth but
the three bighorn sheeps. These Bighorns were
also turned into three Stars. But Arinka-Spirit
warned that they would be chasing the sheep until
the end of the Earth.
Here is some of the vocabulary associated
with the cosmogonic ideas of the Evens.
Arinka – an evil creature of the Underworld
Omcheni – Umcheni – the name of a Hero in
the Evens tales and nimkans
Matala – a human Hero
Orani – an upper hero
Nerikuy – an inhabitant of the Underworld
Nyanin nyunmeken – a hole in the sky
Helikey – a spelled arrow
Nyulgini – the one who puts iron arrows
Hevki – God
Hevkichen – minor god
Nermile – a thick slender larch on which
heroes in the epos hang their armor
Tonin – a land
Mata Bey – a hero man
Oinde – Upper.
References
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
Bokova E.N. Evens Haninni. An Even’s soul. Yakutsk, 1998.
Burykin A.A. Small genres of the Evens folklore. St.-Petersburg, 2001.
Dutkin H.I. The Evens folklore. Yakutsk 1996.
Epos of the Okhotsk Evenks. Yakutsk, 1996.
Lebedev Zh.K. The Evens omens and talismans. Myths and Legends of the North. Moscow,
6.
1985.
Novikova K.A. The Evens folklore. Magadan, 1958.
Космогонические мотивы в фольклоре эвенов
В.Г. Белолюбская
Северо-Восточный федеральный университет
им. М.К. Аммосова
Россия 677000, Якутск, ул. Белинского, 58
Статья посвящена анализу космогонических мотивов фольклора эвенов. Эвены относятся
к группе коренных малочисленных народов Севера, Сибири и Дальнего Востока. Автор
рассматривает основные образы космогонических мифов эвенов, исследует лексику, с помощью
которой эти образы присутствуют в эвенском языке.
Ключевые слова: эвены, фольклор, космогония, коренные малочисленные народы Севера, Сибири
и Дальнего Востока.
Работа выполнена в рамках исследований, финансируемых Красноярским краевым фондом
поддержки научной и научно-технической деятельности, а также в рамках тематического
плана СФУ по заданию Министерства образования и науки Российской Федерации.
Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис»
Journal of Siberian Federal University. Humanities & Social Sciences 5 (2013 6) 664-670
~~~
УДК 811.512
Stanzaic Forms in Evenki Poetry
(the Example of V. Lebedev`s Works)
as a Result of Educational Practice
Antonina A. Vinokurova*
M.K. Ammosov North-Eastern Federal University in Yakutsk
58 Belinskiy Str., Yakutsk, 677980 Russia
Received 10.01.2013, received in revised form 18.03.2013, accepted 02.04.2013
The article studies the characteristics of poetry of the Evens – indigenous peoples of the North, Siberia
and the Far East. Relying on Russian literature, the author examines the features of stanzas in the work
of poets of the Evens. V. Lebedev`s works are analyzed as poetry examples of a representative of the
Evens.
Keywords: Evens, Evens poetry, culture of indigenous peoples of the North, Siberia and the Far
East.
The work was fulfilled within the framework of the research financed by the Krasnoyarsk Regional
Foundation of Research and Technology Development Support and in accordance with the course
schedule of Siberian Federal University as assigned by the Ministry of Education and Science of the
Russian Federation.
Since stanzaic forms in Evenki poetry have
not been studied, we consider types of stanzas in
the poetic works of V. D. Lebedev, relying on the
works of Russian and Yakut literary scholars –
B. V. Tomashevsky, Gasparov, E. S. Rogover,
N. N. Toburokov.
According to M. L. Gasparov: «Stanza
is a section within a poem: a science of poetry
combinations. Typically includes a review
of poetic meters, attributed to the disordered
(non-stanza) and ordered (stanza) grouping
of poems, reviews of trends to be observed for
the combination of verses in stanzas (volume,
segmentation, syntactic completeness, rhythmic
composition), a review of the most commonly
*
used passages, an overview of solid forms»
(Kviatkovsky, 1966; 142).
Stanzaic forms underlie the functional
nature of a stanza and its constituent factors,
the role of the stanza in the organization of the
composition and embodiment of the idea in a
poetic work.
The first marker of a stanza is its graphical
definition. The vertical deployment of a poetic
text is done in two ways:
1) it is divided into more or less comparable
groups of verses that are interconnected with
certain types of relationship;
2) it is a continuous poetic text, preserving
its natural integrity.
© Siberian Federal University. All rights reserved
Corresponding author E-mail address: kafedrasev@mail.ru
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Antonina A. Vinokurova. Stanzaic Forms in Evenki Poetry (the Example of V. Lebedev`s Works)
E. S. Rogover while exploring stanzaic forms
of the poetry by Evenki poet A. Nemtushkin
points out the following: “the poet does not seek
for stanzaic diversity, which is typical for some of
Russian poets and poetry of the North. He does
not look for quaint strophic forms” (Rogover,
2005; 107).
We reviewed five collections of works –
“Өmcheni” (1968) (Lebedev, 1963), “Higi ogalni”
(1966) (Lebedev, 1965) “Dyalbu tөreңneten”
(1968) (Lebedev, 1968); “Merlenke” (1971)
(Lebedev, 1971); “Mirigilan” (1977) (Lebedev,
1977). We investigated 189 poems and 9 verse
novels. Since Lebedev’s verse is syllabic, the
syllabic system of rhythmic and intonational
patterns within the strophic structure is defined
by linguistic features and folklore traditions.
While studying the stanzaic forms of
V. D. Lebedev we identified the following types
of stanzas:
The most typical for the poetry of Lebedev is
the alternation of stanzas, this is 35, 4 %. We have
identified the following types of the alternation,
comprising:
1) The first type, which consists of two
different stanzas in the lyrics of Lebedev, was
found in 12 poems. These are works published
in 1963. – “Ile-de ңenreku” (4 + 5), “Ңerin on”
(5 + 4), “Osikat asukut” (6 + 8), “Dugard dolbany”
(10 + 8); in 1966 – “Nelke orange humalan”
(10 + 3), “Hupkutche anңani eltenche bisiklen”
(3 + 5); in 1968 – “Oak tөr ut-ta” (9 + 3); 1977 –
Hiles habdan (5 + 28), Oralchimnal duulatan
(42 + 14).
For example, the most interesting stanzaic
forms were found in the poem “Yasalas kөettin”
(8 + 4). Here the first period consists of six-line
stanzas, the strophic division may be indicated
more clearly significant shortening of subsequent
(or previous) elements within the period.
Yasalas kөettin
Herkan deedekun
Emeredmer
Tөgemi hinteki hiramsam.
Hee badas nodan
Kadar kaldyndukun
Bakaradmar
Tөgemi ichesne turkuttem.
The stanzaic form of “Muzeyla” is different
(7 + 10), where the first period is a seven-line
stanza, consisting of two two-line stanzas and one
three-line stanza. The ten-line stanza consists of
two-line, three-line and five-line stanzas.
Nyamakli anңanil
Kuruken eltendir.
Tarakam bi havre binivu
Dasabdin, tanmudin
Annani dyapkalan.
Min binivu udyarman
Hakurin odakan
Mingechin
Uralna turkudir Tachikan goraldin.
2) The next type of alternation is a
combination of three different stanzas. This type
of alternation in the poetry by Lebedev was found
in 19 verses: 1963 – “Neltem datam” (4 + 4 + 3),
“Erbechil emmөtte” (4 + 6 + 2), “Teңke tөlkunni”
(10 + 8 + 10) “Myavmu, ile hi mandinri” (6 + 4 +
5), “Gөli, dyugarmu ge” (4 + 3 + 3), “Myavmu
odanri dunes” (4 + 6 + 2), “Oran ican “ (19 +
15 + 9); 1966 – “Dyalbu dyalni dyumalra” (5 +
10 + 8), “The Constitution ineңin” (5 + 10 + 5);
“Minnyun daran” (4 + 4 + 8), “Urekchel, tөңerel”
(5 + 5 + 6), “Deңchili” (5 + 7 + 6); 1971 – “Heri
neche” (6 + 7 + 7); 1977 – “Asi ikelni” (13 +
22 + 18), “Nөsegchen ayavriv uchiku” (5 + 6 +
16), “Osikatal tegele” (5 + 14 + 9), “Momatki
degseku” (4 + 8 + 4).
For example, the poem “Badikar” 1966 (12 +
19 + 9) contains the first period as a description
of the morning in the native land of the poet,
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the second period as an observation by the poet,
formed by the question and exclamation lines:
Adyya orkakan
Bernetle odydi
Hөrdeңnei ңi hadin?
Oralchad ilkaңan
Tarav on hөntedin!
The rhythmic pattern of the third period is
more calm.
3) This type of alternation is found in nine
works, consisting of four different stanzas.
“Baldamңa belemңelen» (12 + 7 + 16 + 5), «Hoch
hinmach» (6 + 5 + 5 + 5), «Udyarma» (5 + 2 +
5 + 2), «Alachisli, hi dagrit» (5 + 4 + 4 + 4),
«Etiker» (6 + 5 + 5 + 5), «Detlelken ineңil»
(10 + 18 + 19 + 5), «Urekcher» (5 + 5 + 4 + 3),
«Tedeke» (6 + 6 + 9 + 27).
For example, «Iңen tөr emepten» (5 + 5 +
4 + 4). Here there is an interweaving of five-line
stanzas and quatrains: in the first two stanzas are
composed of five lines, and the third and fourth
are quatrains, it is caused by a sharp change in the
picture (nature and the city). The last two stanzas
identical in their structure; they convey the mood
of the hero, who misses his relatives. The poem
contains borrowed Russian words: самолёт
(plane), Москва (Moscow), машина (machine).
The poem «Tarak yak-a!» conditionally has 4
parts and has a complex stanzaic structure (18 +
10 + 14 + 15). The multi-stanzaic form of the
poem is determined by short rhythmic structures,
which have pentasyllabic and four-syllable lines.
Emotions of the poem are described by the
presence of repetitions in each part of the sentence
in the form of a question, «Tarak-yak-a?» – What
is it?, reinforcing particles, -da,-e,-a,-ka,-kka,-ge.
4) Another type of alternation is a poem
consisting of five different stanzas: «Hunңecheken
hunңelren» (3 + 5 + 4 + 5 + 4), «Өydelis» (6 + 5 +
6 + 5 + 7), «Hunңachan» (14 + 9 + 4 + 6 + 4),
«Duu5ar dolba» (4 + 5 + 7 + 8 + 7), «Urekcher
anusmatta» (6 + 15 + 8 + 4 + 4).
For example, the poem «Chiңende» (3 +
3 + 7 + 6 + 4) consists of two solid terzetto, one
seven-line stanza, one solid six-line stanza and
a quatrain. The third strophe is full of sound
repetition of the consonant «ch», which softens
the sound structure of the line:
Kunaraptuky echuu itte
Hinu bi, Chiңende,
Taraptuk omkatlav
Anңani udyarman
Tachin da ulbunche.
Chi-demer, Chiңende,
Hurkemdes bisenri
The poem «Ike eңin» (5 + 5 + 4 + 4 + 4)
includes a solid five-line stanza and a quatrain.
There is no rhyme, but there is a clear rhythm, the
first two lines have ternary structure and all the
other lines smoothly switch to the six-line stanza
structure:
Evendu
Baldanңan
Iңensi tөreңen
Irek-te tөrelduk
Aidmar, dalbutmar.
The same alternation of stanzas is typical for
the poem «Higi kadar dukamңalni « (4 + 5 + 4 +
4 + 4).
The peculiarity of the poem «Min gyanu
tөreңu» (10 + 12 + 13 + 9 + 12) is in its syntactic
design, the first period is divided into an octave
and a couplet, the octave has one sentence
consisting of eight lines. There is shortness of
lines in the second, the ninth stanza of the first
period, the second line of the first period, the first
and eleventh lines of the third period, in the third,
fifth, eighth and ninth line of the fourth period, in
the first, fourth, fifth, sixth, eighth, ninth, tenth,
eleventh lines. These verses, standing out among
the other poems in size – ternary and two-syllable
lines, are the most important semantically.
5) A different kind of construction of six
different stanzas of this type of alternation of
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stanzas is based on the combination of four,
five, six, seven-line stanzas. It is found in the
lyrics of Lebedev more seldom than previous
versions. With solid four and five-line stanzas
the following poems are written «Indigir upevu»
(5 + 4 + 4 + 4 + 11 + 5), «Hupkuchimnedy» (5 +
4 + 5 + 4 + 5 + 4); the clear alternation is typical
for the poem «Geleri daaltikiyi» (6 + 4 + 6 + 4 +
6 + 4), the predominant seven-line stanzas are
in «Begen gyan» (7 + 7 + 7 + 7 + 7 + 2); here
we also have tha alternation of five to six and to
thirteen-line stanza «Inen tөr «(4 + 13 + 5 + 6 +
6 + 5).
6) The alternation of seven different stanzas
in Lebedev's lyrics we found only into two poems.
In the early lyric of 1966 «Higi icahn gөniken»
(4 + 4 + 4 + 5 + 5 + 6 + 7) and more recently in
1977 «Momala ңeneddem» (8 + 9 + 8 + 9 + 7 +
6 + 2);
7) Another type of alteration is a poem
consisting of eight different stanzas. In these
works one can mostly see solid quatrains with
alternating nine, ten and twelve-line stanzas. It is
represented by three works of Lebedev created in
different years: 1966 «Akandy» (3 + 4 + 4 + 10 +
10 + 8 + 9 + 12); 1968 «Nelke» (9 + 3 + 5 + 3 +
5 + 4 + 4 + 4); 1977 «hevek oran» (5 + 4 + 4 + 4 +
4 + 4 + 4).
In addition to the above mentioned types
Lebedev observed poetry poems from 14 different
verses of «Hupkucheke urkelen» in 1966 (11 +
8 + 4 + 4 + 4 + 4 + 4 + 4 + 3 + 3 + 4 + 4 + 13 + 4)
and 19 different verses of «Nimkalan giramdan»
in 1977 (5 + 11 + 7 + 5 + 6 + 5 + 5 + 6 + 7 + 6 +
8 + 4 + 4 + 4 + 5 + 6 + 6 + 12 + 10).
In the poems of V. Lebedev we identified
the following stanza forms: «Өmcheni» – 52
different stanzas, «Mirgilan» – 23 different
stanzas, «Khanyan huyen» – 13 different stanzas,
«Gyavan asi» – 30 different stanzas, «Byagandya
hunadyan» – 9 different stanzas, «Otakchan» –
4 different stanzas, «Mergen Churun eңtiri» – 6
different stanzas, «Nuku teleңen» – 14 different
stanzas.
V. D. Lebedev perfectly mastered the folk
heritage of his people and we can conclude that
this is reflected in the creation of poems and
forming its stanza patterns. Thus, the poetry
of Lebedev is conditioned by the epic stanzaic
forms, when he uses different sizes and types of
alteration.
In stanza lyric repertoire of V. D. Lebedev
a significant place belongs to the non-stanzaic
form, it is 27, 5 %. It has a variety of types.
For example, the poem «Hee dolas meridi»,
«Maranңa bilgapan», «Hugi», «Nabumi ereger»
consists of 15 types of verse.
A poem consisting of 16 types of verse,
which do not constitute a stanza: «Honnacham
myalukanam», «Oram dentun», «Өgeli degsi»;
The poem «Iret» encloses the non-stanzaic
form, which consists of 17 lines. Also, we found
poems which have 18 types of verse – «Hee dolas»,
and which have 19 types of verse – «Iranudyak.»
The works «Ayavan mavutan», «Indigir
hunadun», «Neltenke» of 20 lines, «Osikatal» –
of 21 lines, «Dyargan ike», «Hoңdinivu
tinitteken»; «Haman ikenңen» is composed of
23 lines, «Party», «Tөr nerad dentunni» – of 24
lines, «Anңanil» – of 25 lines, «Hөntele gorodla»,
«Baldanңa birakchan», «Beyten myavanni
Bay» – of 26 lines, Ohotsky namandyan»,
«Indigir upevu» – of 27 lines, «Hiser» – of 30
lines, «Hinemdes», «Indigir upevu» – of 32
lines, «Myavan uңtan», «Hisechin» – of 33
lines, Kөltirken «,» Isa5 doolan iiridi «- of
34 lines, «Unta «- of 37 lines, «Eninduley
nekrigchin»- of 43 lines, «Kabat itilkan « – of
48 lines, «Bugdindya» – of 49 lines, «Neltenke
higiңu» – of 66 lines, «Merlenke» – of 123 lines
and most others include different numbers of
lines. The poem «Dөdeken» was written in the
non-stanzaic form consisting of two hundred
lines of verse.
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The basic stanzaic forms are two-line
stanzas, tercet, quatrain, five-line stanzas, six-line
stanzas, seven-line stanzas, eight-line stanzas,
they have different patterns and amount to 34,
75 % in the poetry of V.D. Lebedev.
The two-line form of verse is found in the
poem “Min myavmu hinteki ayavan ninңelren”
in the book “Higi ogalni” (1966). These couplets
are completely closed, “autonomous” verse units
with semantic, syntactic and rhythmic intonation
finality from the beginning to the end of each
poem.
For example,
Chumaddan hunelu chuskey bakamcha.
Emnin-de-gu achchaltar tachin dureldim.
The poem consists of 5-couplets, rhythmic
structure of which is from 9 to 12 syllables per
line (3-3-2-3, 3-3-3-3).
In the poetry of V. Lebedev these couplets
define “not only the strophic, but mostly the
metric or structural peculiarity of the poetic
language” (Toburokov, 1991, 45).
The following two poems (“Yak gerben
tegelgen?” (1963), “Iңen tөr» (1966) are written
in the form of three-line stanza or tercet.
Thus, in the poem «Yak gerben tegelgen?»
the stanzaic form of these tercets, consisting of
nine periods, has a different syllabic structure of
the line. The first stanza of each period is a sixsyllable line. The second stanza of the first period
is a seven-syllable line. The second stanza of the
second, third, fourth, fifth and ninth period are
decorated with trisyllabic lines, and the seventh
and eighth period – with a disyllabic line. The
third stanza has nine-syllable, eleven-syllable and
twelve-syllable structures. This poem belongs
to the genre of philosophical lyrics. Each verse
has its syntax completeness. The poem begins
with the question «Yak gerben tegelge?» (What
is life?). The second stanza gives the answer
to the question «Hupkuchek» (School). The
lyrical ending in this poem «Taraki bekechchen
halilra aich Hoch!» (Then, all teach perfectly
well!) – A «resolution of the growing emotional
stress, withdrawal of reflection, generalization
of the particular case» (Tomashevsky, 1958,
209). The ending of the poem is framed with an
exclamation that expresses the emotional state of
the character.
Yak gerben tegelgen?
Hupkuchek.
Tarakam bekechchen halilra hoch aich!
Quatrain. Iso-syllabizm of the poetry
of V. Lebedev determines quatrains, which
are characteristic of his poetry (26.4 %), the
principles of its creation, which are common for
folk songs.
We classified his quatrains by the number
of periods and identified the following stanzas,
characterized by two, three, four, five, six, seven,
nine, eleven, fourteen patterns.
So the quatrains of stanzas with two periods
was found in the book “Өmcheni” (1963) –
“Nelten heridi”, “Umkeli bi myavmu nelkeni”; in
the book “Higi ogalni” (1966) – “Higila anңani”;
in the book “Dyalbu tөreңneten “(1968) – “Borili,
Mindy, “Imanra nebati”,” Icat iken”, “Ayavry
tөremen. “
For example, in the poem «Nelten heridi»,
«Umkeli bi myavmu nelkeni» syntax line
couplets together form quatrains with semantic
completeness. The author used rhyme, where in
the rhyming words only consonants coincide:
Nөlten heridi, tөgechindule nan
Tөgechin gyakitan biyalgach evilren.
Taduk nyan nyaniңat hoңalran,
Habdalni tөr oylan tiketnen.
Different rhythms and melodic of the stanza
is found in the poem «Borili mindy hee, nelkeni»
where the ring structure is used. The first two
lines of the poem of the first period coincide with
the third and fourth lines of the second period.
The syntax line was extended to the whole stanza.
This poem consists of two «solid» quatrains:
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Borili mindy hee, nelkeni,
Borili nөlte Б and nyamdukun,
Tarak bi myavmu hueldin,
Huelmi ikelbu ikeldin.
Ikelbu mөdeche doused mөn nekrigchin,
Tөr oylin beketlin dyalkandin,
Borili Mindy hee, nelkeni,
Borili nөlteni nyamdukun.
We fi nd in the poetry of Lebedev also
quatrains, which consist of twelve-syllable
lines, which are typical for the Evenki epic
works. A special emphasis can be places onto
the syntactic figure, when the fi rst period has an
interrogative sentence, and the second period –
an answer:
Imanra, nebati badalkan biniken
Delgenke ңendeңңon hotarman nipkenri Tech ILE hөrdeңңөn hanikan bokandim,
Yadai dyayanri, nebati imanra?
Strophic variations of quatrains consisting
of two periods are different in Lebedev lyrics
with exceptional rhythmic variety and intonation
flexibility.
Another pattern of three stanzas of quatrains
was found in the poem «Nonap agdy pargarakan»
where there is a cross-rhyme -kan/-la/-kam/-la;
-kan/bu/lin/bu; -dan/-ken/-dim / -dim.
The complicated construction of the
rhythmic structure «Byagandya» determines
the sharpness of its rhythm (11-13-9-9, 6-66-6, 6-6-6-6). The very title of the poem feels
contempt for the moon. Byagandya word (suffi xndya creates a magnifying-derogatory form of
the noun) acts like a refrain of the whole work.
In the fi rst period, the poet describes the moon,
then the second – compares himself to the
moon. And in the last period he abruptly goes
into condemnation.
These poems are often found in Lebedev's
lyrics. These are the poems «Dөkerken tөldele
biddeket», «Enmu gөmi.» But here the rhythmic
structure is different, they are composed mainly
of nine-syllable lines.
Different syntactic lines frame the poem
«Bi enmu bisenri, Baldan ң auto tөremu.»
The fi rst line of the quatrain, we see a single
syntactic phrase. The second and fourth
periods consist of two syntactic phrases. The
third stanza of the four verses is framed with
one syntax pattern.
Also it is worth of note that we find such a
stanzaic form in Lebedev’s particular poems
«Ikeңe turkuttem» and «Hindu myavmu animchu»
that corresponds to such genre varieties, as lyrical
reflection and confession.
The five-line stanzas can be seen in
the poems “Ineңi Moudania”, “Ebdenrel”,
“Doldaram Delak”, “Baldanңa tөreңnev.” The
six-line stanzas can be seen in the works “Kolata
gөndeten”, “Hirris Togan” and “Beycheker
ңenedde.” The seven-line stanzas can be seen
in the poems “Nөsegchen bideku” and “Tөgse.”
The eight-line stanzas can be seen in “Hanmi
emeniv.” Such works as “Gөndinri?”, “Wudang,
hi minu ulanri”, “Tomka hөtlin hөllөtmi”
consist of thirteen eight-line stanzas. The eightline stanza has different syntax and structural
patterns. In most cases here we fi nd solid eightline stanzas.
“Mөntelse ochalan» contains two eight-line
stanzas, the same smooth rhythm (11-11-9-10-911-12). The first period consists of one four-line
stanza, three single-line stanzas and a couplet.
The second period consists of four couplets.
Eight-line stanzas are typical for such poems as
«Nelten өgeski», «Bavi ineңdo.»
In Lebedev`s poetry a ten-line stanza is
observed only in one work – “Ңalu Dukla, Dukla
ңalu.”
Exploring the stanzaic lyric repertoire of
V. Lebedev, we came to the conclusion that the
poet`s stanzaic forms most vividly highlight
the alternation of quatrains (35.4 %). The non-
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stanzaic verse of Lebedev basically amounts to
27.5 %. The key strophic forms are quatrains,
five-line, six-line stanzas – have different
stanzaic patterns. Thus, it may be noted that
there is a multitude of Lebedev`s stanzaic
patterns.
References
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
Kviatkovsky A.P. , Moscow, Soviet Encyclopedia, 1966.
Lebedev Omcheni: Dentur / Lebedev Yakutsk: Neka torenen book izdatelstvan, 1963.
Lebedev Higi ogalni / Lebedev Yakutsk: Neka tөreңen izdatelstvan book. 1965.
Lebedev Dyalbu tөreңneten / Lebedev Yakutsk: Neka torenen izdatelstvan book. 1968.
Lebedev Merlenke / Lebedev V. Yakutsk: Neka torenen izdatelstvan book, 1971.
Lebedev, V. Mirgilan / Lebedev Yakutsk: Lebedev V.Merlenke. Neka torenen book izdatelstvan,
Yakutskay, 1977.
E. S. Rogover, Stanzaic forms, rhyming, poetic dimensions in the verse of Alitet Nemtushkin.
Literature of the North: Collected articles / ed. Prof. E. S. Rogover. Russian State Normal
University named after A. Yi. Herzen, 2005. Issue 4.
N.N. Toburokov Problems of comparative prosody (on the basis of Soviet poetry of Turkic
peoples of Siberia) / N.N. Toburokov; Acad. Sciences of the USSR article. Dep, Yakut. Institute of
Language, Literature. and history. Moscow, Nauka, 1991.
B. V. Tomashevsky Stanzaic forms of Pushkin // Pushkin. Research and Materials. Volume II.
Leningrad, USSR, Academy of Sciences, 1958.
Строфика в эвенской поэзии
(на примере творчества В. Лебедева)
А.А. Винокурова
Северо-Восточный федеральный университет
им. М.К. Аммосова
Россия 677000, Якутск, ул. Белинского, 58
В статье исследуются особенности поэзии эвенов – коренных малочисленных народов Севера,
Сибири и Дальнего Востока. Опираясь на российское литературоведение, автор рассматривает
особенности строфики в творчестве эвенских поэтов. В качестве репрезентанта эвенской
поэзии анализируется творчество В.Д. Лебедева.
Ключевые слова: эвены, эвенская поэзия, культура коренных малочисленных народов Севера,
Сибири и Дальнего Востока.
Работа выполнена в рамках исследований, финансируемых Красноярским краевым фондом
поддержки научной и научно-технической деятельности, а также в рамках тематического
плана СФУ по заданию Министерства образования и науки Российской Федерации.
Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис»
Journal of Siberian Federal University. Humanities & Social Sciences 5 (2013 6) 671-675
~~~
УДК 801 (091)
On the “Yukte” Pilot Project
“Evenki Language at School: Teaching Techniques,
Information Technologies and Experience Exchange”
Tamara E. Andreeva*
Institute of Humanitarian Researches and Problems
of Indigenous Peoples of the North SA RAS
1 Petrovsky Str., Yakutsk, Respublika Sakha (Yakutia), 677007 Russia
Received 20.12.2012, received in revised form 27.02.2013, accepted 29.04.2013
The present article considers contemporary tendencies of developing the languages of small-numbered
indigenous peoples of the North. The author arrives at the conclusion on the necessity of learning two
and more languages for members of ethnocultural groups of small-numbered indigenous peoples of
the North. The author describes the experiment of saving and popularizing of Even language in Sakha
Republic (Yakutia). There are some examples of successful learning of the native language by the
members of Even ethnocultural group.
Keywords: Even language, small-numbered indigenous peoples of the North, Sakha Republic (Yakutia),
“Yukte” project.
The work was fulfilled within the framework of the research financed by the Krasnoyarsk Regional
Foundation of Research and Technology Development Support and in accordance with the course
schedule of Siberian Federal University as assigned by the Ministry of Education and Science of the
Russian Federation.
At the present time the modern language
situation in the world bears negative character,
as the traditional communication functions of the
languages spoken by indigenous small-numbered
peoples of the North are being lost under the
conditions of multilingualism. At the same time,
the majority of the indigenous small-numbered
peoples of the North have a good command of
Sakha and Russian languages along with their
native one. The command of three – four languages:
native, Sakha, Russian and a foreign one are the
base for increasing the mobility of people and the
political stability of the society. Such language
*
situation requires a system of well-balanced
conscious bilingualism and multilingualism.
Teaching native language at schools is the most
crucial factor of its preservation and development
under the conditions of multilingualism.
New federative initiatives to unify the
education system at first caused considerable social
and political tension. Great anxiety was expressed
in the republics of the Russian Federation where
the majority of schools prodiving education in a
non-Russian language are located. The analysis
of the present situation in the education system
carried out by the Institute of Ethnology and
© Siberian Federal University. All rights reserved
Corresponding author E-mail address: taan2001@mail.ru
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Tamara E. Andreeva On the “Yukte” Pilot Project “Evenki Language at School…
Anthropology of the Russian Academy of Science
(IEA RAS) has shown, that in the past every
school could compose the curriculum only within
the limits of several per cent of the academic
time, while the rest of it was controlled by the
republican bodies of education management. The
new approach requires the whole curriculum to
be unified according to the federation standard.
This way the state “takes up the reigns” of the
education system.
However, the federal legislation provides
schools with the opportunity to choose a certain
education curriculum within the framework of the
standard. This independence helps the school act in
a more flexible way under the changing conditions.
Nevertheless, the freedom of curriculum choice
can turn out both as an advantage and as a source
of various problems. The curriculum choice is
a great load of responsibility that falls on the
school teachers. As a result, modern school needs
a system of social orientation methods. To solve
the problems, schools need to carry out their
“marketing” research on their own.
The year 2010 was the beginning of the pilot
project “Yukte” in the Sakha Republic (Yakutia).
The work under the project is to last for 5 years
and is aimed at organizing the help in analysing
the current situation, in conducting some career
guidance and social adaptation work among the
population of the compact Evenki settlements,
in evaluating the modern educational and other
needs of the population including the need for
studying their native language.
The project coordinators are the Ministry
of Education of the Sakha Republic (Yakutia),
Department of the Peoples’ Affairs and
Federative Relations (DPAFR), Institute of
Humanitarian Researches and Problems of the
Small-Numbered Peoples of the North of the
Siberian Branch of Russian Academy of Science
(IHRPSPN SB RAS). The main executives of the
project are: IHRPSPN SB RAS, DPAFR in the
SR (Yakutia). The co-executives are: the Ethnic
Schools’ Institute; the administrations of ulus
and agricultural communities; Ulus Departments
of Education; Institute for Advanced Training for
Education Officers. The Academic Advisor of the
project is Andreeva T.E., the Deputy Director for
Science of the IHRPSPN SB RAS, Candidate of
Science.
The main objective of the present project is
to organise and run a workshop on the following
topic: “Evenki language at school: teaching
techniques, information technologies and
experience exchange”, in the places of compact
Evenki settlements.
For the project, the following tasks were
listed: to make a survey among teachers and
parents devoted to teaching ethnocultural subjects
at school; to introduce some new methods of
native language teaching, to convey the traditional
knowledge to pre-school educational institutions,
nomadic and secondary schools, to introduce
the information technologies used in native
language teaching; to provide career guidance
and psychological consultations on the issues of
choosing and changing profession, on the issues
of social and professional adaptation of the youth;
to organize interdepartmental interaction, to
provide order and continuity in the educational
and teaching work.
The project is aimed at schools, Evenki
language teachers, pre-school educational
institutions’ teachers, in order to conduct
methodological consultations and help the teachers
of schools and pre-school educational institutions
provide career guidance and psychological
consultation on the issues of choosing and
changing profession, on the problems of social
and professional adaptation of the youth and the
unemployed citizens registered at employment
centres. Under the present project, it is planned
to run workshops in the compact settlements of
Evenki in the Republic of Sakha (Yakutia), such
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as Khatystyr village in Belletsky agricultural
community of Aldanskiy ulus; Kutana village in
Belletsky agricultural community of Aldansky
ulus; Ugoian village in Belletsky agricultural
community of Aldanskiy ulus; Iengra village
in Iengrinsky agricultural community of
Neryungrinsky municipal distruct; Olenek
village of Oleneksky agricultural community
of Oleneksky ulus; Neryungri city, “Arctica”
gymnasium school; Ust’-Maysky ulus.
The forms and methods of the work include
the following: survey of the workshop participants,
students and their parents; organization of
lectures on the native language teaching
methods, pedagogy and psychology, information
technologies involved; consultation on the issues
of choosing and changing profession, provision of
psychological support, conduction of workshops
and class analysis by Evenki language teachers.
The pilot project is planned to be actualized step
by step within five years. Every year information
and methodological materials for Evenki teacher
training will be issued, interim evaluation of
Evenki language teaching quality and of teaching
work will be done.
The pilot project is financed from the grant
provided by the DPAFR in the Sakha Republic
(Yakutia). The first stage of the project has
been successfully complete in G.M. Vasilevich
Secondary School in Zolotinskoe.
The second stage of “Yukte” special project
on the language education of Evenki, run by the
DPAFR in the Sakha Republic (Yakutia), headed
by Andreeva Tamara Egorovna, Candidate of
Science, Deputy Director for Science of the
IHRPSPN SB RAS, united the Evenki language
teachers and pre-school teachers from the
agricultural communities of Aldansky municipal
district, from Ugoian, Kutana, Khatystyr villages,
Iengra village of Neryungrinsky municipal
district, “Arctica” secondary school in Neryungri
city, Ezhantsy village of Ust’-Mansky municipal
district, Tyanya village of Olekminskiy municipal
district, members of the Science Schools and
Research Institutes, IHRPSPN SB RAS, DPAFR
in the Sakha Republic (Yakutia) from 16 to 19 of
March, 2011, in Khatystyr of Aldansky municipal
district.
Under the project, some educational
workshops on the federal educational standards,
information technologies, teaching at nomadic
schools, pre-school teaching and elementary
teaching for teachers and the community were
run.
One of the most interesting trends of the
project work is conducting workshops on native
language teaching. The participant teachers
showed brilliant samples of classes, different in
their types and forms, involving various creative
techniques and intensive teaching methods along
with the new information technologies. After
the class analysis the teachers exchanged their
opinions on the performed work.
At the scientific and practical conference
“Odukipty” held among students, the reports of
15 students were heard and discussed.
The soloists of “Gulun” ensemble carried
out a series of workshops for the creative groups
of secondary schools. A performance “Soling
Develche”, set in Evenki language, made under
the project of the theatre studio of the secondary
school No 20 in Khatystyr village of Aldansky
municipal district, was highly appreciated by the
experts. Ethnical music and dance ensembles of
the regional schools demonstrated a very high
level of skill and art. Their high-quality costumes
were especially remarkable.
The experts of the Aldansky municipal
district Employment centre carried out a career
guidance campaign calles “Future is in your
hands” for 30 school graduates in order to reveal
the intellectual and creative potential of the
students, to provide support in the formation
and development of the key competences and
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professional qualities of a personality. The career
guidance campaign was headed by the Minister
of Science and Professional Education Yu.S.
Kupriyanov along with the directors of general
secondary educational institutions and vocational
schools of the Sakha Republic (Yakutia).
The workshop participants took part in
“Nelkini Emeren”, “Bakaldyn” celebrations, and
visited the exhibition of arts and crafts.
A great interest of the workshop participants
and Khatystyr dwellers was drawn to the
“Samnintu” (teacher-student) competition for
Evenki language teachers.
As a colclusion of the II stage of “Yukte”
project, the resolution determining the main
objectives and tasks of work on solving the
problems of native language teaching under the
conditions of a policultural medium was issued.
All the participants were awarded certificates of
the Institute for Advanced Training for Education
Officers, Science Schools’ Institute, IHRPSPN SB
RAS, DPAFR in the Sakha Republic (Yakutia).
The participants of the events held within the
framework of the project expressed their gratitude
for the inspiration with the energy of creation to
the administration of Secondary School No.20 of
Khatystyr village in Aldansky municipal district
and personally to its principal Nikitina Anna
Gavrilyevna, her deputy Marfusalova Maya
Dmitrievna and the whole staff for the perfect
management of the project.
We do hope that we will be able to provide
methodological and pedagogical consultations on
the native language teaching, to promote the career
guidance service for the population by organizing
distance consultation on the career guidance and
social adaptation issues in the places of the smallnumbered Northern peoples’ settlements, and
also to build stable interaction between schools,
families and pre-school educational institutions.
References
1.
2.
3.
Kochneva Z.I. Evenkiysko-russkiy tematicheskiy slovar’ [Evenki-Russian Thematic Dictionary]
Dictionary. Krasnoyarsk: Knizhnoe Izdatel’stvo publishing house, 2001. 126 p.
Afanas’eva E.F. Evenki: yazyk, fol’klor, literatura, etnografiia [Evenki: Language, Folklore,
Literature, Ethnography]. List of references. Ulan-Ude, 2006.
Luk’ianenko A.G. Etnoiazykovye protsessy v Evenkiyskom avtonomnom okruge [Ethnolinguistic
Processes in Evenki Autonomous District] // Proceedings of the First inter-regional scientific and
practical conference “Modernization of Education under the Conditions of the Extreme North”,
Tura, April 9-12 2004. State Educational Establishment of Higher Professional Education “V.P.
Astafiev Krasnoyarsk Pedagogical University”, Krasnoyarsk, 2004. P. 164-169.
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Tamara E. Andreeva On the “Yukte” Pilot Project “Evenki Language at School…
О пилотном проекте «Юктэ»
«Эвенкийский язык в школе: методика обучения,
информационные технологии и обмен опытом»
Т.Е. Андреева
Институт гуманитарных исследований
и проблем малочисленных народов Севера СО РАН
Россия 677007, Якутск, ул. Петровского, 1
Статья рассматривает современные тенденции развития языков коренных малочисленных
народов Севера. Автор приходит к выводу о необходимости освоения двух и более языков
для представителей этнокультурных групп коренных малочисленных народов Севера,
описывает эксперимент по сохранению и распространению эвенкийского языка в Республике
Саха (Якутия). Приводятся примеры успешного освоения родного языка представителями
эвенкийской этнокультурной группы.
Ключевые слова: эвенкийский язык, коренные малочисленные народы Севера, Республика Саха
(Якутия), проект «Юктэ».
Работа выполнена в рамках исследований, финансируемых Красноярским краевым фондом
поддержки научной и научно-технической деятельности, а также в рамках тематического
плана СФУ по заданию Министерства образования и науки Российской Федерации.
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Journal of Siberian Federal University. Humanities & Social Sciences 5 (2013 6) 676-701
~~~
УДК З73.167.1:811‚55
Verb Classes in the Yukagir Language
Elida S. Atlasova*
M.K. Ammosov North-Eastern Federal University in Yakutsk
58 Belinskiy Str., Yakutsk, 677980 Russia
Received 10.01.2013, received in revised form 22.02.2013, accepted 21.03.2013
The article deals with a detailed description of verb classes in the Yukagir language. Verb classes are
divided in accordance with their linguistic characteristics. The author considers the characteristics of
the Yukagir language verbs depending on their verb stem.
Keywords: the Yukagir language, verb stems, indigenous minorities of the North.
The work was fulfilled within the framework of the research financed by the Krasnoyarsk Regional
Foundation of Research and Technology Development Support and in accordance with the course
schedule of Siberian Federal University as assigned by the Ministry of Education and Science of the
Russian Federation.
1.1. Two classes of nouns
in the Yukagir language
There are two classes of nouns in the Yukagir
language which form plural by adding suffix=пэ
and =пул.
V.I. Jochelson noted: “The plural is formed
by adding =пэ or =пул. It is quite difficult to
derive a general rule when a particular form
should be used. Most nouns take either one or the
other of these forms”. (1955, 164).
E.A. Kreinovich (1988, 40) writes about two
versions of the underlying index of the plural,
when the plurals for the nouns of I class are formed
by adding –пэ indicator, and for the nouns of II
class by adding –пул, -побуд. Nouns of I class
ending with a consonant add to form the plural
the suffix –пэ, e.g.: joрпэ “hooks”, харпэ “skins”,
онорпэ “languages”, пумбурпэ “beds”, инэрпэ
“holes”, харбаспэ “sailboats”, тааспэ “basins”,
пулутпэ “husbands”, йоноотпэ “headboards”,
*
йоҕулпэ “noses”, паҕульпэ “seines”, лэгулпэ
“foods”, анилпэ “fish”, мархильпэ “girls”,
тибалпэ “stoves”, нонопэ (<нонол) “loops”.
Танмилпэ “draft deer”, талавпэ “wild deer”,
сукунпэ “garments”, илэпэ “deer”, пэлдудиэпэ
“old men”, тэтчиэпэ “rich people”, алайипэ
“Yukagirs of Alaya kin”, монойдьиипэ “married
women”, апаналаапэ “old women”, савапэ
“skins”.
Nouns of I class ending with a vowel may
have stress on the first and the last syllables. This
includes a small group of words ending with -э. So
they get the plural suffix of –пэ, and sometimes
–пул, e.g.: нумэпэ and нумэпул “dwellings”,
эйэпэ “bows”, огэпэ “fish weirs”, мурэпэ
“deerskin boots”, мэмэпэ “bears”, чиижалэпэ
and чиижалэпул “grouses” and etc.
Nouns of II class ending with а, э<а, э have
the stress on the first syllable. They form plural
by adding suffix –пул, as in the examples:
© Siberian Federal University. All rights reserved
Corresponding author E-mail address: kafedrasev@mail.ru
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of I class are adjacent to a primary stem as a
separate syllable, and suffixes of II class can be
connected to the final syllable of a primary stem
and form one syllable, e.g.: му|рэ|-тэ|гэ “big
deerskin boots”: but ака|сьэт|кэ “big reindeer”,
му|рэ|-ньэ|й-э “big deerskin boots have-I”; but
аа|сьэн|-дьэ “a big deer have-I” and etc.
Some derivatives of intransitive verbs are
formed from nouns by conversion: тибоj “it
rains” (тибо “the rain”). Most derivatives of
intransitive verbs are formed from basic nouns
through thematic suffixes: from stems of nouns
of I class – with the help of the thematic suffix
–дэ- (лэпудэj “it bleeds” – лэпул “blood”), from
stems of nouns of II class – with the help of the
thematic suffix –д-, -т- ( иргуди, иргутл’эл “it
got a hole” – иргу, иругу “hole”), etc. Intransitive
verbs with stems of I class ending with -дэ- and
–н’э- and intransitive verbs with stems of I class
ending with –д-, -т- и –н’- ,-н- have different
forms of conjugation. Transitive verbs are also
divided into derivative and non-derivative. Some
derivatives of transitive verbs have a common
stem with the nouns.
аасэпул
(<ааса)
“deer”,
йахадаасэпул
(<йахадаса) “horses”, тоукэпул (<тоука) “dogs”,
лошкэпул (<лошка) “spoons”, шахалапул
“foxes”, эмдьэпул (<эмдьэ) “younger brothers,
younger sisters”, андьэпул (<андьэ) “eyes”,
чамдьэпул (<чамдьэ) “paddles”, мидэдьэпул
(<мидэдьэ) “needles”, унумэпул (<унумэ)
“ears”, хоробопул (<хоробо) “cows”, чоҕойопул
“knives”, нибойопул “small meal shops”,
ироҕодьэпул “gloves”, моноҕопул (<моноҕо)
“rams”, ибоҕопул (<ибоҕо) “backs”, поҥдопул
(<поҥдо) “money”, шоромопул “people”,
игэйэпул (<игэйэ) “ropes”, “belts”, йооуйэпул
(<йооуйэ) “nets”, арауйэпул (<арауйэ) “links”,
йоҥсэпул “bells”, Т эмдьэпул “younger
brothers”, володэпул “prizes”, иэручэпул
“hunters”, чупчэпул “the Chukchi”, льэмльэпул
“chiefs”, лукунбурэбэпул “lands”, чайлэпул
“days”, льуорэйльэпул “the playing (people)”
and others.
E.A. Kreinovich pointed out a number of the
underlying suffixes characterizing the distribution
of the two (types of) classes of the primary stems.
He gives the following distribution (1982, 72).
Tundra
Indicator
Plural
I class
Kolyma
II class
I class
II class
-пэ
-п- -пул
-пэ
-п-, -пул
Comitative
-ньэ-й
-ньи-~-н-
-ньэ
-нь-~-н-
Augmentative form
-тэгэ-ҥ
-ткэ-ҥ
-тэгэ
-ткэ
-рэ- ~-дэ
-р-
-дэ-
-дэ~-т-
Intransitivity
Recent acquisition of an object
Transitivity
Supply with an object
-тэ-
-с-
-тэ-
-ш-
Long-standing possession of an object
-ньэ-
-нь-
-ньэ-
-нь-
E.A. Kreinovich quite accurately and
correctly deduced the distribution table of two
classes of primary stems necessary for the
analysis of the Yukagir language.
Suffixes of I class form secondary stems
with an open syllable, and the suffixes of II classsecondary stems with a closed syllable. Suffixes
1.2. Two classes of verb stems
with indicators –СЭМ and -СУМ
E.A. Kreinovich in his fundamental work
“Studies and Materials on Yukagir” fi rst made a
deep analysis of the grammar of the two dialects
of the Yukagir language. E.A. Kreinovich wrote
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that one of the difficult problems in the history of
Yukagir is the problem of verb and predicate. He
wrote that in Yukagir there are no such auxiliary
verbs as “to be”, “to become”, “to have”, which
in Russian and Western European languages
form part of the nominal predicate. The role of
the auxiliary verbs is played by suffi xes –ҥол(E.A. Kreinovich incorrectly identified ҥо-,
and the suffi x is conjugated by the model of
худуол- “lie down” cf.), rendering the meaning
“to be”, ҥола– “to become”, apparently the
suffi x of inchoative action (inchoative), -н’э –
“to have”. E.A. Kreinovich believes that there
is no evidence to suggest that these suffi xes
back their origin to the auxiliary verbs. New
stems are formed from nouns by means of the
mentioned suffi xes, for example: амано- “to
be a father”, аманола- “to become a father”,
аман’э – “to have a father”. These stems can
not be equated with predicative forms of nouns
as амал’эн (тэн амал’эн “this is a father”),
which cannot be conjugated. And as for the
aforesaid stems, they are conjugated and should
be related to the verbs. As a consequence in
intransitive verb of Yukagir we have to allocate
the following categories: actually intransitive
verb, substantive intransitive verb, qualitative
intransitive verb and quantitative intransitive
verb”. (E.A. Kreinovich 1957, 104).
E.A. Kreinovich notes that in Yukagir
the processual forms express processual,
qualitative and quantitative characteristics. The
processual form has grammatical categories of
intransitivity – transitivity, modes of acting, voice,
mood, tense, person and number. The processual
forms are divided into predicative, depending
on the logical stress, participial and attributive.
Intransitive verbs are divided into non-derivative
and derivative.
V.I. Jochelson, E.A. Kreinovich and
G.N. Kurilov did not sufficiently describe the
indicators –сэм and –су. E.A. Kreinovich
gave more or less consistent description. He
considered the verbal stems exactly as the noun
ones and introduced two classes of verb stems.
The analysis of materials showed that verbs with
suffixes –СЭМ – are alike I class (according to
E.A. Kreinovich) and –СУМ – are alike II class
(according to E.A. Kreinovich). Stems ending
with –СЭМ will be called the “weak” stems, and
–СУМ will be called the “strong” stems.
Furthermore, we will see the productive cases
of contrasting two classes of –СЭМ and –СУМ,
the correlation which partly, even phonetically
corresponds to indicators of the plural –ПЭ and
–ПУЛ nouns, the contrast which defines two
classes of nouns (see the Table above).
1.3. The verbs with “weak”
stems ending with – СЭМ
The verb, requiring forming causatives with
–СЭМ indicator will be called verbs with “weak”
stems, whereas secondary causative stems with
–СЭМ indicator can be formed firstly from nouns,
and secondly from verbal stems, and thirdly
from complex verbal stems with good evident
indicators of aspects of the (type of) multiple,
one-time, continuous, intensive action, etc. Next,
we will have a more detailed look at each type of
stems ending with –СЭМ.
1.3.1. The verbs formed from nouns
with –СЭМ indicator
саа- сэм (“to put the stick into the pot” 416)
Мэдьиэдаҕанэ, мэр ат саасэй таҥ мэт
аньмил. –When we catch him, we would tie
the stick to this draft. The example shows an
indisputable case as the verb is formed from the
noun саал “stick, wood”.
папаа- сэм (causative “to urinate” 368) – it can
be formed from theverb, as we can note папаа- (3
person, plural папай; папаал) from intransitive
“to urinate”. Чамадалдьэ мархиль кивэрэдьуол
пурэ папаасэҥудаҕа, лачилпэги пулгэйтэй.
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-When the princess will be let to urinate on the
chip, the fire will lit it.
1.3.2. The verbs ending with –СЭМ,
formed from the verbal stems
- Simple verb stems:
Simple verb stems with –СЭМ indicator,
(not having another indicators, sp the stem if
followed by –СЭМ indicator.
маасэм (“to wait”, caustive “to make
someone wait” 230) Маархан сукун мэ
маасэт. – I will make wait for one winter.
убаа-сэм (causative “to kiss” 482) Эльин мэт
хайчиэпиэнь убаасэҥ. – Firstly she was kissed
by the grandfather and the grandmother (of the
husband).
ханьхаа- сэм (“to defecate” (only about children),
causative “to defecate” 496) Хуодиир тантаасха
тинэ эл хаахаасэк? –Why have not you let do a
poo in this basin?
мира-сэм (“to walk”, causative “to go” 242)
Тудэйлэдэ мэр аньмэй, йоходилэҕа, митханэ
тан мэ мирасэм. – He himself is sitting on a
horse and he made us going on foot.
сава-сэм (“to divide”, “to share” 419) Хойниимэ
алҕан савасэтэм. – Let Mother goddess share
her good.
сара-сэм (“to ask in marriage” 429) Хадьи мэ
сарасэҥа. – I was brought to marriage.
айисэм (“to have a shot”, causative “to
shoot” 31) Тудэ ньидьэрпэй ааринлэк мэтинь
эл айисэ. – He did not let me shoot using his new
gun.
ивисэм (“to suck”, causative “to let suck” 81)
Маархадьэҥ ивисэк. – Let me suck for once.
ки-сэм (“to show”153) Титэйк тит курильиил
мэтинь кисэҥик. – And you – show me your
knowledge
мөри- сэм (“to hear”, causative “to listen
to” 265) Ах мааруодьэ мөрдьэ мөрисэрэҥ
саҕанииҕан. – Only by hearing the happy news,
let [him] give life.
нэри- сэм (“to nibble”, “to gnaw”, causative
“to make gnaw” 298) Тэт лаамэдуоҥинь амун
нэрисиэнунк, сальҕарииги варумуҕан. – Let
your puppy gnaw the bones for strengthening the
teeth.
вэльии-сэм (“to lift”, causative “to make lift” 77)
Митинь аральадьэрукунэ эл вэльиисиэнун. –
[He] did not let us lift heavy things.
кии-сэм (“to show” 150) Чаманэҥ йөкэ
льэй анаак киисэмлэ, мондэҥ «таҥут
помогэрэйтэмк». – He showed (indicated)
a very distant mountain, saying, “Go round
it.”
мэбии-сэм (“to stretch” , “to hold up”, causative
“to keep” 274) Эл мэбиисэлэк, тудэ угурчэ
солльэртэмлэ. -Do not let keep [shoes near the
fire to dry], you can spoil the shoes.
наврии-сэм (“to watch”, “to observe”,
causative “to make observe” 279) Г. навриичэ
дитэльуо саҕанэстэлэк навриисэт – мидьэк
хадуҥнааҕарут кэлуунуулльэл. – G., placed as
an observer, I will ask to watch – I wonder where
[the dog] comes from.
пии -сэм (“to wrap”, “to wind”, “to bandage”
373) Угурчэдаҕанэ, чальдэдаҕанэ саасэрэҥ
пиисэҥа. – The arms nd legs were bandaged and
had a splint.
поньи -сэм (“to leave”, “to keep”, “to give
up”, causative “to make give up” 383) Тэн
Аннадиэҕанэ, нонҕадаҕанэ эл поньисэҥу, тан
мэтханэ хуодиир поньисэҥа? -Anna has not
been forced to give up tobacco, and why have I
been forced to give up?
пэди-сэм (“to lick”, causative “to male lick” 407)
Хуодиир тэт савҕа лаамэҥинь пэдисэмэк?!
Эргэ эл пэддисэльэк. – Why did you let the dog
lick your plate? Ugh, do not let it lick.
пэри-сэм (“to let lap” 411) Лаамэҥ алҕан
пэрисэтэй. – The dogs will be let lap the fish
soup.
хоҕи-сэм (“to dig”, “to root up”, causative “to
make dig” 515) Яблоня саҕанасуол-морав лукул
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хоҕисэлҥинь. – To male dig the hole [literate –
land] for planting an apple tree.
чамбии-сэм (“to help”, causative “to make help”
544) Таатльэр чиилэ чамбиисаанунум. – So he
asked people to help.
сөгиэ-сэм (сөгиэ(н) “saliva”, “to spit” 443)
Арууҥ эл пэлдэҕа, ах йоҥоҕат мит личилҕанэ
сөгиэсэрэҥ пулгэч. -Because words were not
enough, he spit on the fire in anger and came out.
хабугуриэ-сэм (“to get offended”, “to
offend”, “to disappoint” 497) У оҥоллэҥ эл
хабуриэсаанулльэлк, көдэн хабуриэл мэр
аральалнуни. -. Even children do not offend, the
offence of a man can be hard.
сурэ- сэм (“to fatten” 450) «Э, угунэҥ сурэсэҥ».
–Oh, good that you made them fatten.
чирэ-сэм (“ to drown” 552) Йалҕидөрдьэҕа
лавйэдэкуу
чулҕарэлэк,
тадаа
алҕан
чиирэсэтэй. – Hollow out a hole in the middle
of the lake and there drown.
оо-сэм (causative “take out the water” 348)
Хуодиир виэн көдиэнъ оосэлҥинь льэмэк? -Why
are you going to ask the other person take out the
water [of the boat]?
ичуо- сэм (“to look”, “to see”, causative
“to watch” 101) Эгуойилгин-моравҕанэ эл
ичуосэҥу. – They do not give an opportunity to
see where to step.
эгуо-сэм (“to arise”, “to begin” 584) Тэт амаа
таҥ чиилэ киэйэчиэр пугудьэ эгуосэрэҥ таҥ
аруудэврэсчэньэҥ кэлуҥи. – Your father wanting
to get ahead of the people with the beginning of
heat came with that matchmaker.
саҕу-сэм (“to lose” 424) «Мэт нимэ саҕусэмэҥ»,
-мони паадьэдуо. –“I have lost my house”. – the
girl said.
йандуу-сэм (“to get asleep”, “to fall asleep”,
causative “to make sleep”, “to put to sleep” 111)
Аавииҕа мэ кудэрэм, мэ йандуусэм. – Put him
in a blanket, put [him] to sleep.
уу-сэм (“to give a lift” 493) Мэтуолльэлк ат
уусэҥ. –And I would give him a lift.
ваай
-сэм (“to pull”, causative “to urge” 57)
Мэт хундиэтэгэ эл ваайсаанун, маранмэ
энуҕа пөвгэйнуни. – My saddle horse did not
require pulling (urging), but immediately got
into water [and moved across the river].
моой- сэм (“to hold”, causative “to make hold”
258) Ах титтэ уорпэҕа илэлэ моойсаанунҥа,
уоньэй чии. – People who had children, let only
their children hold their reindeer.
паай-сэм (“to beat”, causative “to make beat”
360) Маархадьэдэҥ эл паайсаанун тудэ
кэдэлҕанэ. – It did not make beat with the stick
for once.
пуорпэй-сэм (“to need”, causative “to make
need” 402) Хаалич, идьиэ хойл нэмэлэдэҥ эл
пуорпэйсэчуон саҕанииҕан. –It is scary, let
God allow us to live in no need.
суусэй-сэм (“to drop”, causative “to make
drop” 451) Мэт оорэйуол лукулҕа, кэйгур льэй
лукунбурэбэҕа суусэйсэллэк, тадаат мит
истадиэнь элуойинунуй. – In the place where
I have noted I will command to drop the food.
Then from there we carry it to the flock [by
reindeer].
хай-сэм (“to curve” 502) Лалимэн йуоҕанэ мэ
хайсэм, чуҥдидьэлэ ваай хайсаанунҥа. – The
front of the sledge [he] also curved as the sledge
runner.
йуө-сэм (“to show” 133) Тадаа эньиэги
иэдьиидиэ йуөсэрэҥ мархильҥинь молльэнь:
«Тэт лачилинь кэвэйк, эл анньэлэк!». – Then
her mother, showing a stick saidto the girl:
“Come for wood, do not talk”.
поно-сэм (“to lead away”381) Тан илэньэй
көдэ тудэ илэ5анэ тадирэлэк, итудэ
көнмэҕанэ таҥниги мэ поносаанунум (мэ
кэврэйнунум). – If the groom has deer, then by
giving his reindeer [ransom for the bride], he
leads the bride away immediately, separates her
[from the parents].
суо-сэм (“to miss” 449) Маачэлэк, аариилэк
йавнуо суосэм, тан аҥаҕанэ лэгулэк туутэлэ
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эл суосэт. – His lasso and gun would miss, but
he wouldn’t miss to fill his mouth with food.
тоно-сэм (causative “to drive” 470) Ханаарэ
угурчэлэк илэлэ тоносиэнунҥа. –During
nomadic walking we were made to drive a
herd”.
чав-сэм (causative “to cut” 532) Эйк чавлбуньилҕанэҥ, тэтидьэ эл чавсэтчэҥ. -Even if
you want to cut, I will not let you cut.
аҕай- сэм (causative “to touch” 23) Ахун
льэи тэт пуойэ аҕайсэк, таат киҥдигирэ. –
Well, at least let me touch your cheek, if you
disdain.
идьэй-сэм (causative “to compare”, “to measure”
85) Мит угурчэпэ идьэйсэҕа, мидьэк кинльэ
чамуолэл. – Let compare our feet, who has the
biggest.
йэдэй-сэм (causative “to bring” 144) Туҥ илийэ
амучэ чайлэлэ эл йэдэйсэ. -This wind has not
brought a good, clear day.
кудиэ-сэм (“to lie down” 167) Мэт сугудьэ
анмолҕинь эл кудиэсиэнун, ах көчидьир. – The
heart does not let me lie completely, so much
beating.
мойиэ-сэм (“to touch”, causative “to make
touch” 247) Амаа туҥ тудэ ньуҥурдоҥойпэҕанэ
кинидьэҥ эл мойиэсаанун. -Any of his
[saddlebags] bags -your father did not let anyone
touch them.
ньимиэ-сэм (“to extenguish”, causative “to put
out” 317) Мол хадаат тиэҥ гөдэ ньимиэстэм,
олҕинь эл ньимиэсэсчиинун! – And what on
earth this man let put out the light, he won’t let
it forever.
эвиэ- сэм (“to believe”, causative “to give
the hope” 579) -Мэр эвиэсэм. – He gave a
hope.
эйикиэ-сэм (“to rain”, “to snow” 588) Чавунхайчиэҕат илийэ пайр, мэ пөкиэнунум.
Маархуонь тивэ эл эйикиэсэльэк. – When it
breezes from the sea, the grandpa, it freshens.
But do not let it rain.
1.3.3. The verbs formed from the complex
stems (with good evident indicator), which
require –СЭМ.
ама-хаа-сэм (“to become better”, “to improve”,
“to heal” 41) Көдэҥ эл амахаасаанунмэк?
-Мэр амахаасаанунуҥ. – Do you heal [the ill]
person? – Yes, I heal.
валь-дьа-хаа-сэм (“to turn sour”, causative “to
make sour” 62) Йуодаҕанэ, туҥ холодильниклэ
уудэк йоҥдичир титэ амдур вальдьахаасэҥа. –
It seems that by opening a refrigerator all this
time you let it turn sour so quickly.
ньаарчэ-хаа-сэм (“to be bad”, “to make
bad”, “to worsen” 303) Нэмэлэҥ эвльэтэл!
ньаарчэхаасэдаҕанэнҥ нэмэҥ дьиивэ эвльэт! –
You can expect everything! Nothing surprising
happens, even if you worsen it [health].
With the affix –хаа the verbs gain the
meaning “to have any quality or characteristic”,
“to move from one state to another”.
йоҥо-нь-аа-сэм (“to get offended”, “to get
angry”, “to make angry” 124) Ханирууҕа
талҕуолдэлэк кэлуунундьэмут тинэ, амаа
йоҥоньаасэллэк, халдэйрэлэк. – Having
brought the father to anger,[you] fled , and
were hiding [long] in the unseen place, [you]
came . In this example, the suffi x-aa expresses
an inchoative action.
ааттэ-рэй-сэм (“to stop”, causative “to make
stop” 21) Ичуок, ваай мит лачин сисаҕаснубэҕа
тудэ лаамэпулҕанэ ааттэрэйнаам, пэрэдьиэ
ааттэрэйсэк. -Look, again near our woodshed
he is going to stop his sledge with dogs, force
[led] him to stop away.
айаҕа-рэй-сэм (“to skin”, causative “to strip off”
30) Кукупэ, ваай митинь айаҕарэйсэҥутэм.
-Devils, they again make us strip off [the skins
from carcasses].
ваа-рэй-сэм (“to drag”, causative “to pull out”
57) Мэ пугэч, – мондэҥ, – пуогэрэпхат альҕалэ
эл ваарэйсэ. -“It's hot,” – saying so, he did not
allow to pull the fish out of the cellar.
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кэв-рэй-сэм (“to take away”, “to drive away”,
causative “to make drive away” 175) Тэт амаа
эл кэврэйсэ. –Your father did not allow to drive
away.
илийэ-рэй-сэм (“to become nasty, windy”,
causative “to make the weather windy” 93) Таат
мэт сукун либаҕасур, таҥҥниги Маарийаахай
сукунэ мэр илийэрэйсэм. – Then Maria, having
shaken my clothes out, made the weather windy.
йануҕа-рэй-сэм (“to collect, “to take away”,
causative “to make pack” 113) Тинэ мэ
йануҕарэйсэҥ. I have recently asked them to
pack.
йуоҕа-рэй-сэм (“to end”, “to finish”, causative
“to make finish” 135) Класстаҕанэ эл
йуоҕарэйсэчуон кэврэйҥа стадаҥинь. –They
have driven to the herd, have not let finish
school.
кэйлэ-рэй-сэм (“to become numb”, causative
“to make numb” 177) Мэт угурчэдэньуо
кэйлэрэйсэм туҥ угурчэ ах чавруолэр. – As the
shoes were narrow, he had his feet numb.
лалвэ-рэй-сэм (“to cover”, causative “to
make cover” 196) –Эй, льэгэлэк, Микайлэлэк
лалвэрэйсэк. – Ah, this Michael was asked to
cover [fish] with anything.
лэй-тэ-рэй-сэм (“to remember”, causative “to
make it clear” 219) «Йэвдээ, кудэрэҥиктигираа
туҥ чоҕойэ» – мондьэҥмэ лэйтэрэйсиэнунҥа
титтэ ньихайруолҕанэ. – Saying: “Yevde, put
the knife there,” – they make it clear that [they]
are in the “mutual avoiding” [i.e. when you have
to speak only in the plural].
мөмдэ-рэй-сэм (“to light”, causative “to turn on”
261) Льэйкэ мэ кэлутэй, мэ мөмдэрэйсэҥутэм
анминь. – The light [electricity] will come, they
will force to turn it on [literate – to light].
ньамучэ-рэй-сэм (“to be red”, causative “to
make red” 307) Чамуодьэ хайльтэгэк лачилҕа
ньамучэрэйсэмлэ, тадаат таҥ айийуолҕа
кудэрэм. -He made a big stone hot red and put it
on the wound.
өр-тэ-рэй-сэм (“to shriek”, causative “to make
shriek” 359) -Нэвругэ! – Нэврэр льиэ таат
өртэрэйсэм! – Oh, so unexpected! – So he made
[her] shriek by startling.
палаҕа-рэй-сэм
(“to
scatter
about”,
causative “to make scatter” 364) Хуодии тан
палаҕарэйсэмэк? – Why did you let them
scatter?
помө-рэй-сэм (“to roll down”, causative “to
make roll” 380) Льиэ хадьир эгуойиэ, молдэлэк,
йэрпэйэ чайлэдөрдьэҕат ин помөрэйсэрэҥ
кэлуҥи. – So the following day they spent the
night there, when the sun had just taken over in
the afternoon, they came [literate – letting the
sun roll down].
помөгэ-рэй-сэм (“to go round something”,
causative “to make go round” 379) Туҥ
тудэ
тудэ
йоходилэпулҕанэ
йавнуо
хамриилинь. Окот-Бокотинь, чайлэҥ энмун
помөгэрэйсиэнунум. – He made his employee
Okot-Bokot go round the herds [of horses] daily.
пон-дэй-сэм (“to separate”, causative “to make
separate” 381) Лайалльэ көнмэдаҕат эньиэги
пондэйсэ, ах лавбуодаҕа. – Her mother made
[her] divorce with the last of her husband to,
overly fond of drinking [wine].
понхо-чэ-рэй-сэм (“to be fluffy”, causative “to
fluff up” 382) Энгэнэҥ понхочэрэйсаальэлум
тудэ монильэҕанэ. – He made his hair too
fluffed up.
порчаҕа-рэй-сэм (“to sprinkle”, causative “to
squirt” 384) Амакаа, лавйэ порчаҕарэйсэк,
таат
силниирэ
учууктаайуолдэ
эл
йатаҥҥайт. – My friend, squirt water [on it], it
will not straighten, if ironed being not wet.
потаҕай-рэй-сэм (“to fi ll”, causative “to make
fi ll” 385) Миилгэр льэйльэ потаҕайрэйскэ. –
Make him fill [with water] the nearest
[barrel].
пугу-дьэ-рэй-сэм (“to sweat”, causative “to
make sweat” 390) Туҥ эмп көдэлэ амутнэҥ
амдур пугудьэрэйсиэнулльэлум. – It turns ouut
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that this medicine makes a human sweat very
quickly.
пугулвэ-рэй-сэм (“to heat”, causative “to make
hot” 392) Титэбандьэ кэвийийрукун чаай
ҥоллэҥ хуолэ мэ пулгэвэрэйсэтэм? – Would it
heat the tea, when it [the electric light] is always
turning off?
пуки-рэй-сэм (“to appear”, causative “to make
appear” 394) Ин чиэмэ пукирэйсэрэҥ тидэҥ
личуоркэ анмэ мархильчаакаан ҥолаай. – And
then, with the appearance of blood, that she-deer
became a woman. .
пулгэ-рэй-сэм (“to put out”, causative “to force
put out” 396) «Тэт ваҥар пулгэрэйк!» – Мони
Эдьилвэй. Пулгэрэйсэрэҥ, эвэдаҕат мэндэлэк
мэ муриттэрэйм. – “Put your tongue out”, –
said Edilvey. Forcing him to put the tongue out,
he grabbed the tip of it and cut it off.
пукирэ-рэй-сэм (“to raise”, causative “to whirl”
394) Илийэ эримэлэ мэ пукирэрэйсэм. – The
wind caused snow whirl.
савҕа-рэй-сэм (“to click”, causative “to make
click” 420) Тэт акаа йалмидьэ савҕарэйсэм
тудинь. – Your older brother let him make a
triple-click [with a camera].
сальҕа-рэй-сэм (“to break”, causative “to split”
426) Элэнь, акааги эльи эл сальҕарэйсэ. -No,
his elder brother did not allow to split it too.
сахса-рэй-сэм (“to pour”, causative “to force to
pour” 431) Пуҥэлэ мэ сахсарэйсэм. -He forced
[him] to pour the broth.
сиигэ-рэй-сэм (“to drip”, causative “to make
drip” 432) Ичуок, ньангуму тудэ чалдьэҕа
лолҕуодьэ ньаньирэ сиигэрэйсиэльэлум. –
Look, he purposely let drip the boiling fat on his
han.
сисаҕа-рэй-сэм (“to cut off”, causative “to make
cut off” 437) Тадаа тиэҥ тэт маарльэҕат
сисаҕарэйлҥинь уулҕа, тэт эмдьэ эл
сисаҕарэйсэ. -And then [I] went to cut the piece
off that your gauze, but your sister did not allow
to cut.
тигилэ-рэй-сэм (“to overtake”, causative “to
make overtake” 463) Мэт ат эл тигилэрэйсэйэҥ
тудинь. -I would not let him overtake me.
тиҥҕа-рэй-сэм (causative “to take away” 466) Тэт
эмдьэ йуории хуодиир тиҥҕарэйсэмэк? – Why
did you let take away a toy of his younger brother?
чааха-рэй-сэм (“to freeze”, causative “to
make freeze” 529) Элитчиэ саҕуойину, эл
чаахарэйсэтчэҥ. -Wander a bit, I will not let
you freeze.
чиҥичэ-рэй-сэм (“to get dark”, “to darken”,
causative “to make dark” 551) Сукун
чиҥичэрэйсэрэҥ көткэчэли. –There we came
when the darkness fell.
чичигэ-рэй-сэм (“to lengthen”, causative
“to force to lengthen” 555) Тудэ кэдэлҕанэ
льитэгэгэсчиинунум,
тудэ
унумэ
чичигэрэйсэл-буньир. –“Wishing to have long
ears, he [rabbit] made [others] beat himmself”.
эвдийэ-рэй-сэм (“to begin blizzard”, causative
“to cause a blizzard” 579) «Авйаа энгэнэҥ
өрньэр, энгэнэҥ йахтэр, мит сукундэньуо
эвдийэрэйсэмэк!» – монҥутэй солҕуллуур,
уоҥинь. – Even blizzard you caused by your
yesterday screaming, singing”, – they will say to
the child jokingly.
эму-рэй-сэм (“to surround”, causative “to make
surround” 598) Тиндаа йаҥдэ эмурэйнаалэха
мэ халдэйнуни эл эмурэйсиэнун. -It happened
before so that geese [molting] fled, did not allow
surrounding themselves when we started to
surround them.
The suffix – рэй- is the indicator of one-time
action.
кэвэ-й-сэм (“to go”, causative “to make leave”
175) Йалҕил кэвэйсэллэк, хандьалэ эл чавльэл. –
Once he made the lake go [to another lake], he
[dug a channel of the river] did not survived the
winter [not even lived in the winter].
ньаль-ай-сэм (“to be rubbed out”, causative “to
make rubbed” 306) Мэ ньальайсэҥ. -He made so
that [wool] got off.
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нэр-эй-сэм (“to nibble”, “to chaw”, causative
“to make bite” 299) Орҕи мэтханэ лаамэҕа
нэрэйсэм. -He hardly did not let the dog bite
me.
тоно-й-сэм (“to chase”, “to drive”, causative
“to make chase” 470) Илэ нимэҕат тонойсэк,
эл йугулвэсльэк. -Make him chase a herd
from where the yaranga is, do not jerk the
deer.
албэ-дьии-сэм (“to lose”, causative “to make
lose” 33) Монур эл кэврэйҥуҕан, амааги
ньангуму албэдьиисаальэлум. – Father got
[him] lose on purpose so that [son] not be taken
[to the assembly].
мол-дьии-сэм (“to give the lodging for the
night”, causative “to make pass the night” 250)
Эл иҥиэльэк, Т.Н. ахун маархан чиҥичэлҕа мэ
молдьиисэтэм. – Do not fear, T.N. at least for
one night will allow you to have the lodging.
мөр-дьии-сэм (“to tell the news”, “to inform”,
causative “to make know”, “to make informed”
264) Кэлуйуол-моравдаҕанэ мэ мөрдьэсҥа. –
They informed of his impending arrival.
мэн-дьии-сэм (“to take”, “to borrow”, causative
“to make catch” 276) Халдэйрэ, таҥ ураридьил
эл мэндьиисэт. – If that deer turns out without
a leash, it will not let catch it.
пар-дьии-сэм (“to cook”, “to boil”, causative
“to cook by boiling” 370) Тааҕанэк мэ хуодэ
гирчиир маархадьэҥ мэ пардьиисэм чуулэ. –
An donce, anyway, for the unknown reason he
asked [me] to cook the meat.
пун-дьии-сэм (“to kill”, “to slaughter”, “to beat”,
causative “to make kill” 398) Антипин ҥодьэ
ваавэч пэлдудиэҥинь кухлянка ҥол виэлҥинь
таҥ йаан йэвлидьэлэ пундьиисэм. – Those
three fawns he allowed to slaughter in order to
make the deerskin parka for the Russian oldman,
Antipin.
пурэбэ-дьии-сэм (“to make a winner” 404)
Йуодаҕанэ, мит уорпэҕанэ ньангуму эл
пурэбэдьиисиэнун, харчуорэрэҥ. – It seems that
our children are not specifically made winners
by deceiving.
пэл-дьии-сэм (“to catch up with”, causative “to
make catch up with” 409) Халдэйрэҥ молльэнь:
«Маархуонь мэтул пуньир мэньтэмк». Нэмуол
пэлдьиисэтэм! -Running away, he said, though:
“Only by killing me, you can take [my armor,
chain mail]”. How can he let them catch up with
him!
саҕуо-рии-сэм (“to let in”, causative “to
make let in” 424) Эньиэги анмолҕинь эл
саҕуориисэт, алҕадьаа таҥ көдэ хуодэ
банулдаҕанэ мэ курильии. -The mother did
not allow him to let [that person] in the house
to share plaguing – becauses he knows what
kind of person he was.
туҥ-дьии-сэм (“to close”, causative “to make
close” 476) Форточкалэ ваай эл туҥдьиисэ,
ваай мэ чаахартэйли чиҥичэлмэҥ. – Again, he
did not allow [us] to close the window, again we
will freeze at night.
чуҥ-дьии-сэм (“to read”, causative “to make read”
568) Туҥ мэт чайлэдьуҥдьэньуо чуҥдьиисэм.
-[He] made this count by my calendar.
эньиэ- дьи-сэм (“to ask”, causative “to make ask”
603) Этуо, кукуттэгэҕанэ ахун маархадьэҥ
мэр эньидьиэсэҥа! – Oh, once they eve forced
the devil from hell to beg (ask)!
The derivative stems with affixes –дьии,
-рии indicate that the verb expresses that acts
were committed more than once or multiply.
маа-йии-сэм (“to wait”, causative “to make
wait” 229) Хаалаҕа, хуодэҥ көдэҥ таат иитнэҥ
маайиисаанунмэк?! – It is horrible, as long as
it makes a person waiting for you?
нуо-йии-сэм (“to erase”, “to scrape off”,
causative “to make scrape”, “to make strip off”
295) Мони: «Эльи чуольэ побелкаги нуойиисэк
тэт уорпиэнь». – He said: “So far let your kids
scrape off the old whitewash”.
чав-йии-сэм (“to cut away”, causative “to make
cut away” 532) Унньэй аҥньэлдьоҕойэлэк
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чавйиисэм тудэ монильэҕанэ. – He had his
hair cut [as it seems] by blunt scissors.
Also specialists in Yukagir see the affix
–йи- as an indicator of multiple aspect (or
mode of action), this affix means that the action
indicated by the verb was implemented a few or
many times.
куриль-ии-сэм (“to know”, “to learn”,
causative “to make know”, “to get to know”
172) Курильиисэлбуньдэ, амутнэҥ йатах
ньиэдьик. – If you want to get [her] know, tell
her everything straight.
моой-ии-сэм (“to keep”, causative “to maintain”
258) Мэт йуодии мэт вадун нимэҕанэ
моойиисэдаҕанэ, вадун нимэҕа ат льиэнуйэҥ –
лачилги льэдаҕа нэмэлэ хадьуутэл. – If my eyes
will let me maintain Yukaghir yaranga [i.e. If the
eyes will not ache], I would live in the yaranga –
it will not be cold if there is wood.
нугу-тии-сэм (“to find”, causative “to make find”
292) Таҥ чоҕойэ нугутиисэк. -Make [smb] find
that knife.
йоҥ-нии-сэм (“to keep open”, causative “to force
to keep open” 123) Сэспэ эл йоҥниисэльэк,
ханьҕа! -Do not allow to keep the door open, it’s
cold!
The derivatives stems of transitive verbs
with the affix –ии render the meaning of the
action or process that have been brought to the
point of dynamic constant for some time.
амди-чии-сэм (“to rush”, causative “to force to
rush” 41) Амутнэҥ лэвдэллэк, чаай лаврэлэк
кэвэйтэй чиилэ сукинь амдичиисаальэлум. –
People who, having quietly eaten, drunk,
would have come out, [he] forced to rush to no
purpose.
аримэ-счии-сэм (“to sole”, causative “to
force to sew the sole” 52) Мол мэтэйлэк алҕан
ньиэдьиччэҥ. Анмин мэр аримэсчиисэт. –
Well, I'll talk to him on my own. Anyhow I
will make him sew the sole [to the deerskin
boots].
пурэн-гурчии-сэм (“to lift up” 405) Тэт
чуораскэ пурэнгурчиисэк. – Lift up a little bit
[from the fire your pot].
урари-счии-сэм (“to teach”, “to make study”,
causative “to force to study”488) Тудэ уоҕанэ эл
урарисчиисэ. – He did not let his child to go to
school [literary – did not let him learn].
эврэ-счии-сэм (“to go”, “to walk”, causative
“to force to go” 581) Таҥ чиилэ.… эл
эврэсчиисэҥу пудинимэҕан, исэ ньаарчэ
чии ҥолльэлҥутэй монур. – Fearing that they
can be bad, they do not let that people [the
Americans] go from house to house [literary –
do not let someone take anyone from house
to house].
The generalized meaning of formations
with the affix -чии- is close to the meaning of the
transitive verbs ending with –йии, the meaning
which can be translated as: “to enable anyone to
being exposed to the action which is expressed in
the original stem”.
иэруу-сэм (“to hunt”, causative “to make
hunt” 103) Иэруусэҥудаҕанэ, хуодиитэм, мэр
иэруучэтчэҥ. -If forced to hunt, what can I do?
I will go hunting.
йөкуу-сэм (“to go far”; “to carry away”, “to take
away” 127) Туҥ тэт амунпэ нимэ пудилиэт
йөкуусэтханэҥ. – Carry these bones away from
home.
йэрэг-уу-сэм (“to mix” 147) Сабурха нонҕаҕанэ
нуолэк йэрэгууснунҥа. -They mix shredded
tobacco leaf with the black mass out of the
mouthpiece.
онд-уу-сэм (“to slightly dampen”, causative “to
make dampen” 338) Мэр ондуусаанунҥа таат
силҕальаальэлдьэрукунпэ анҕил киэйиэ. -They
make dampen too wizened [ski climbers] before
scraping.
мэдь-уо-сэм (“to be born”, “to appear”, causative
“to give birth to” 274) Саамэй киндьэ ин
мэдьуосэрэҥ, мэдьуодьэк. -With the advent of
the Moon you were born.
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нуҥни-ньиэ-сэм (“to dream”, causative
“to make dreaming” 294) Нэмэн ваавэч
көдэнаапэк йуосиэнаанунҥумлэ – уорпэлэ
нуҥниньиэсэҥутэм. – What kind of person they
are starting to show – children will be forced to
see [it] in a dream.
мөндь-иэ-сэм (“to hear”, causative “to make
hear” 262) Аваҕан, ваай нэмэҥоллэҥ эл
мөндьиэсэт. – Let her sleep, she won’t let hear
it again.
оҥ-иэ-сэм (“to wear”, causative “to make wear”
342) Хатэ хуодэ гурчир оҥиэсэм?! – What
happened to him who let you wear [the boots]?!
пар-иэ-сэм (“to keep in theliquid”, causative
“to force to keep immersed in the liquid” 370)
Лаамэрава
ньамучэсул-бундьэ
чаҕатии
халдаваньэй лавйэҕа париэсаанунҥа. – If they
want to paint the pieces of dog skin, they force to
keep them in the water with alder bark.
пил-иэ-сэм (“to wipe”, causative “to make smb
wipe” 374) Тэт амаа тудэ ньаачэпилиэйэҕанэ
мэтидьэ эл пилиэсиэнун. – Your father did not
let me wipe with his own towel.
пугулэр-иэ-сэм (“to make warm”, “to heat”,
causative “to make smth warm, hot” 390)
Консервалэ эл өктэсчии, маранмэ таат
пугулэриэсэм. – He did not allow making a hole
in the cans with food; he made them heat the food
like this.
пэг-иэ-сэм (“to lead”, causative “to bring”,
“to make follow” 407) Кинуоллэҥ эл
пэгиэсэльэтаҕанэҥ, тэтидьиэ кэлутаҕанэҥ.
-Come alone, don’t bring anybody.
туд-иэ-сэм (“to pull”, causative “to make pull”
472) Хуодиир титэбандьэ иральадьэ лалимэ
тэт эмдьиэнь тудиэсиэнунмэк? – Why do you
make your younger brother pull such a heavy
sledge?
хом-иэ-сэм (“to respect”, “to feel ashamed”,
causative “to force to respect” 520) Эльин тудэ
абучиэҕанэ эл хомиэ, таҥ мархильги хаалуур
хомиэсэм. – First, he did not respect my wife's
mother, but her daughter forced to respect her
thanks to the strong will of the latter.
эв-иэ-сэм (“to believe”, causative “to make
believe” 579) Мэр эвиэсэм. – He gave the
hope.
эвльи-киэ-сэм (“to negate”, “to run out of smth”
580) Мит удилҕанэ ваай мэр эвльикиэсэҥа,
мэннур, виэн лэвэйнбурэбэҥинь кэпчир. – The
number of our white cranes is reduced to zero,
they were taken to other places.
эгу-риэ-сэм (“to begin going”, causative
“to make go” 585) Таҥ тандьэлэ тэньи эл
эгуриэсиэльэлҥу, маархуонь чавлааҕарун идьиэ
эгуриэтэй. – That merchant was forbidden to go
on this land, only in the north he will travel.
эд-иэ-сэм (“to burn”, causative “to make
burn” 586) Тилэмэдэ саалэ эл эдиэсиэнунҥу,
ньанмэлэҥҥ эдиэнунул. – In this time of year
they did not allow to burn wood, they burned
basket willow.
The suffix –иэ- is the indicator of inchoative
from the historical stems of the front row.
сальиби-дьаа-сэм (“to hit the mark”, causative
“to make shoot at a target” 427) Тадаа искуолэ
уорпэк сальибидьаасэтэмлэ. -There, the pupils
will learn to shoot at goal [literary – will let them
shoot at the target].
хан-дьаа-сэм (“to propose”, causative “to make
propose” 508) Тэт амаа мэннаадаҕа льиэ, эл
хандьаасэ. -When your father began to marry
[to me], [my father] did not allow that [Chukchi
guy] to propose.
The affix –дьаа/-дьиэ- is derived from two
affixes –-дьи- and –аа/иэ-. It can be defined
as the indicator of inchoative form of multiple
repetitions.
көчэ-гэй-сэм (“to rush from a place in a
gallop”, causative “to make appear rapidly” 165)
Таҥун киэйиэ, ин ньорил лавйэ көчэгэйсэрэҥ,
игирэмулэҥ оҥиэнунул. – Before that, as soon
as the water of puddles in the plains appear, we
wear igiremul [spring fur boots].
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пул-гэй-сэм (causative “to go out” 396) Малаа, –
мони, – мит лэмльэ, эльи тэт мархиль митньэҥ
пулгэйсэк. – “Come on,- he says, – our boss, first
let (allow) your daughter go with him”.
The affix –гэй forms the stems of the
completion of the action or process. It consists of
two separate affixes –гэ- and –й. The affix –й
renders the instant action and can be joined to the
derivative stems ending with -гэ, – га, -рэ, -сэ,
etc.
пил-ээй-сэм (“to wipe”, causative “to let wipe”
374) Идьиэ эл пилээйсэт, энгэнэҥ, пугуотэй. –
Now it [the lamp] will not allow wipe [itself], it
is too hot.
вача-ҕай-сэм (“to gape”, “to step over”, causative
“to make open”, “to make step over” 69) Адуҥ
уо эл вачаҕайсэльэк адуҥ хайль бурэн –
ньоҕодаҕильҕа улгэльэбуолаатэй. – If the child
is not allowed to step over the stone – in the bed
he begins to emit [urine].
лохо-ҕой-сэм (“to rise”, “to come up”, causative
“to make come up”, “to raise” 210) Йэрпэйэ ин
лохоҕойсэрэҥ мэннидьиэнааҥа. – They began to
propose early, as soon as the sun rose [literary –
has come up, has got up from the horizon].
сильҕа-ҕай-сэм (“to dry”, “to dry quickly and
easily”, causative “to make a little dry” 433) Туҥ
тэльиэдальҕа силҕаҕайсэллэк лэвтэмэк? –
Letting it dry a little, would [you] eat this yukola
[sun-cured Pacific salmon}?
солҕа-ҕай-сэм (“to gather together”, causative
“to make gather together” 439) Тонаанаарэ,
илэлэ мэ солҕаҕайсаанунҥа. -Starting to
overtake, they cause deer to come together.
хальу-ҕай-сэм (“to dodge”, causative “to
make dodge/avoid” 505) Чалдьэлэк вэйр, мэ
хальуҕайсэм. – Moving his hand, he forced
[him] to avoid.
ходэл-вэй-сэм (“to bother”, causative “to
make bother” 517) Таатбандьэ чаҕадьэл эл
ходэйлвэйсэт, тидэҥ авйааҕандэҥ мэ лавут
монур чуҥдэги мэр амуч. – Such work will not
bother, because the mood [of his] is good because
of the thought of drinking in the evening.
The completion of the action and process
at the time of the speech is indicated by affixes
–ҕай (-ҕой) and –гэй.
поно-сэй-сэм (“to separate”, causative “to
force to separate” 382) «Тэн Тит мэдьуолуолморав мааруолҕа таҥ Оконуор эньиэ тит
хайчиэҕанэ поносэйсаальэлум» – моннуни
хайчиэ Луохаа. -Luoha grandfather used to say:
“Mother Okonuora your grandfather forced to
separate, to your happiness [to be born]”.
уму-сэй-сэм (“to close”, causative “to make
close” 485) Тиэҥ көдэ тудэ пуолэкхэ мэр
умусэйсэм. -That one man told to close the front
of his canopy.
Ху-сай-сэм (“to jump”, causative “to
make jump” 526) Хусайсэрэҥ лахидэвчэдаҕан
эйитэҥ. -Allowing the jump, he hit him on the
tip of the tail.
Чэнгу-сэй-сэм (“to get smb fly”, causative
“to frighten the birds to fly” 576) -Хавдьаа
чэнгусэйсэ, мони, вайи мэ йукуолҥи,
чамумучииҥуҕан. – Grandfather asked to scare,
saying that they are still small, let them get
older.
ваҕа-тэй-сэм (“to send right”, causative “to make
direct” 59) Кинлэк ваҕатэйсэтэм, модьэҥ
уттэрэлэк йавнэр йандуолҥи. – Who will I ask
(force) to turn [deer], because being tired they
all are asleep?
лэй-тэй-сэм (“to remind” 219) Таҥ хуруун
ньамучэ анмэ тидэҥ тудэ апаналаатэгэ
пуойэ лэйтэйсэмлэ. – That redness of the sky
reminded him of his wife’s cheek.
тэлэ-тэй-сэм (“to turn inside out”, causative
“to make turn inside out” 479) Тиндаа уорпэ
ҥоллэҥ тэлэтэйсэллэк аарэйнундьэли мит.
-Before and making the children turn inside out
[literary – making turn inside out], we stopped.
хальҕа-тэй-сэм (“to lose, miss”, causative “to
make lose” 503) Тэт амаа мэннаадаҕа льиэ,
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мэт чии мэтханэ мэ халҕудиильэҥа – сукинь
халҕатэйсэҥа, монур эл мэньҥуҕан. -When
your father was going to take [me as a wife],
my parents made me avoid [avoid meeting with
him – and not to take me as a wife], pretended to
have lost [me].
хани-тэй-сэм (“to hide”, causative “to
make hide” 510) Виэд-истада илэ энгэнэҥ
эйукэгурчиидаҕа, таҥудэҥ ханитэйсэм. – Too
close came another deer herd, so he forced to
hide here.
And so, in this section we considered the
verbal stems that require –СЭМ indicator from
all types.
1.4. The verbs with the “strong”
stem ending with –СУМ
Below we will consider the verbs formed
with the help of the indicator –сум which will be
“strong stems” (“+”). The material supply is the
same as for the model of the verb stems requiring
–СЭМ.
1.4.1. The verbs formed from the nouns
with – СУМ indicator
йарха-сум (from the noun йарха – “ice”,
“to chop ice” 117) Tea pot йархастэлэк мэ
сэвльэнь [таҥ элдууньэй сааннимэҕа]. –
Having put ice into the tea pot, he came in [the
empty house].
йуора-сум (from the noun йуора – “game”,
“imperative “to make play” 138) Тан нимэҕа
эньиэги эл йуораснун, сукунэ хуйаатэм
монур. – And mother [his mother] doesn’t allow
him to play, while she is afraid that he will spoil
the things and throw it all around.
йоссо-сум (from the noun йоссо – “permafrost”,
“frost” 126) Мэ йоссостэм. – It will frost.
муйбэ-сум (from the noun муйбэ- “nail”, “to
nail” 269) Туҥ саҕанэбул энгэнэҥ мудьэгэй,
таатльэр муйбэсуҥ тэньин. – This chair
wobbles too much, therefore I nailed it here.
орпубэ-сум (from the noun орпубэ – a wooden
plate-button put through the deer nedouzok (strap)
to fix it at the head of the deer), “to put through
the eyelet or the strap” 349) Тинэ орпубэсулҥинь
йуоҥ. – Recently, putting the plate-button
(орпубу), saw [I saw].
хайавэ-сум (from the noun хайавэ – “wound”,
“to wound” 501) Мэтул эл хайавасчуон пуньк. –
Kill me without wounding.
пургэ-сум ( from the noun пургэ – “knot”, “to
knot” 403) Мэ пургэсум.”[He]made a tight
knot”.
сэругэ-сум (from the noun сэругэ- “noise,
crash”, “to make a noise” 455) Пудэт чуондавҕа
сэругэск. – Make a noise with a frying pan in the
street [to frighten off the wolves].
ульэгэ-сум (from the noun ульэгэ – “grass”,
“to make a grassy insole” 485) Кэйпэпул ваай
тэлэтэйрэлэк, смурэдэлэк чандэҥ, мит угурчэ
оҥиэнунуй. Мэр ульэгэснунуй, эл угурчэдуучуон
оҥиэнунуй. –Men also wore shoes with the fur
inwards. They made grassy insole [literary:
underlaid with grass] and wore them without
chizhy.
амудьэ-сум (from the noun амудьэ – “goods”,
“decoration”, “to decorate” 42) Мит елкаҕанэ
туҥ мархиль амудьэс. –This girl has decorated
our fir tree.
иҥдьэ-сум (from the noun иҥдьэ – “tendon”, “a
thread made from dried tendons”, “to sew” 96)
Тинэ туҥ уо эл иҥдьэс, тан идьиэ туҥ кичиэ
эл иҥдьэс-мори. – Recently this child has not let
me sew and now these moscitos seem not to let
me sew neither.
куодьэ-сум (from the noun куодьэ – “belt”, “ to
tie” 171) Хуодиир идьиэтэҥ куодьэсиэмэк тэт
суку? –Why have you started to tie together your
things already?
муридьэ-сум (from the noun муридьэ –
“needle” “a wooden needle made specifically
for netting”, “to provide with a needle” 272)
Хуодии таҥньэ муридьэндьэҥ: «О, молитэгэ,
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мэр эдьитэмэк, мэ муридьэсмэк», –
моннут?! – Why if one has needles, he would
say: “Oh, what a delight! You’ve saved me
providing with a needle?!”
чуораскэ-сум (from the noun чуораскэ –
“caldron”, “saucepan”, “to provide smb. with
a caldron” 571) Тэн акаа чуораскэсуол,
титэбандьэльэлэк чуораскэстэҥ, чалдьэ
туултэрэҥ, почэсэйм. – It is my brother, who
provided me with a saucepan. It was so nice of
him to provide me with a saucepan, so my hands
won’t be empty”.
аарэ-сум (from the noun аарэ – a diaper from
skin with dried moss inside, “to put on a diaper”
21) Тэт уо, аарэск, ханьҕа. –It’s cold! Put a
diaper on your child!
аҕарэ-сум (from the noun аҕарэ – “breath”,
causative “to force to breathe” 27) Кострюля
пурэн аҕарэсум, мондэҥ «таҥниги тэт тэнмэ
йуодьэ уучиитэй». – He made me breathe over
the saucepan, saying that quinsy will be over
sooner. ходирэ-сум (from the noun ходирэ –
“inner”, “lower” (about clothes worn under
outerclothes, “to double” 516) Титтэйлэдэҥ ат
ходирэснунҥа – палааткалэ. –And [the newly
weds] themselves doubled it: over rovduga of
yaranga they would put a tent.
йахтэ-сум (from the noun йахтэ – “song”,
causative “to sing” 120) Мэтханэ ваай мэ
йахтэсум. –[He] made me sing as well.
аримэ-сум (from the noun аримэ – ”sole”,
“to sole” 52) Тиндаа модьэҥ «угурчэги киик,
аримэсуҥ». – [I] said long ago: “Give me his
shoes, I will sole them”.
унумэ-сум (from the noun унумэ – “ears”,
“to put ears to smth.” 486) Моҥодаҕанэ
мэр унумэсльэлум. –She sewed ears to his
malakhay.
чиэмэ-сум (from the noun чиэмэ – “blood”, “to
dirty with blood” 555) Мэйлигик, мирэ тэт
сукун чиэмэсмэк. –Be careful, don’t dirty your
clothes with blood.
чугунмэ-сум (from the noun чугунмэ –
“angle”, “to make with an angle” 561) Адуҥ
дуоскэ эвчэги эл помосэсльэк, чугунмэск – мэ
чугунмэсуолнуни. – Don’t round the end of this
board, make it with an angle, it is usually made
with an angle”.
эримэ-сум (“to snow” 605) Малаа, сирил
эримэск, нимэ виэр мэ йуоҕачэли. – Snow the
bottom of the tohrdokh, we’ve finished with paling.
йоссо-сум (from the noun йоссо – “permafrost”,
“to
frost”
126)
Ивануовҕа
йоллолэҥ
чаахастэмлэ,
таҥун
лайаат
йоссолэ
виэтэмлэ… мэ йоссостэм. –On Ivanov’s Day
the moss gets frosted, after that frost will be
done… will be frosted.
йоллэ-сум (from the noun йоллэ – moss, “to lay
with moss” 123) Тэт уо ньидьэрпэй йоллэлэк
йоллэск. – Put new moss into your child’s diaper
[provide with moss].
көйлэ-сум (from the noun көйлэ – “piece”,
“offcut”, “to break” 158) Эл тэт мэт ньаачэ
көйлэс? – Was it you who broke my face?
мохлэ-сум (from the noun мохлэ – “a piece
of smth”, “to make smth. Ball-shaped” 260)
Пойуодьэ ульэгэк мохльэсльэлҥумлэ туҥ
уорпэ. – These children have put many ricks.
нимэлэ-сум (from the noun нимэлэ – “letter”,
“inscription”, “to write” 285) «Адуҥ көдэ
адаа эл саҕаниильэҥик – мондэҥ Сэмиэн
нимэлэсльэлум. –“Don’t let this man live in
your house”, this is what Semen wrote.
чайлэ-сум (from the noun чайлэ – “light”,
“day”, “to lighten” 540) Туҥ чугунмэ чайлэск,
тэньи мэ нэмэ мэ сиэҕай. – Lighten this corner,
something is scraping there.
солҕольэ-сум (from the noun солҕольэ –
“gathering”, “to gather smth. at one place” 440)
Илэ маархалльэҕа солҕольэснунуй, таҕи ваай
«солнэй». –We gather a great number of deer at
one place, this is also [called] солнэй.
улгэльэ-сум (from the noun улгэльэ – “urine”,
causative “to make urinate” 484) Мала, тэт
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уо улгэльэск. – Hey there, make your child
urinate.
хаальэ-сум (from the noun хаальэ – “burnt
place”, “a place that appears after burning,
carbonization of smth.”, “to roast” 496)
Чумудодьэ хаальэстэлэк лэвтэҕанэҥ. – After
roasting the tendinous meat, eat [you].
The affix –льэ is a productive wordforming affix in the Yukagir language. But in
these examples it is a stem, while in the Yukagir
language there are no such words as солҕо, улгэ,
хаа.
альаайэ-сум (from the noun альаайэ –
“liver”, “to wipe with liver” 36) Тэт савэ мэр
альаайэсмэк? – Have you wiped your skin with
liver?
йөмгийэ-сум (from the noun йөмгийэ – “fringe”,
“to fringe” 128) Мэ йөмгийэсум – йөмгийэлэҥ
пандэмэҥ мончэлэҥ. “To fringe means to “fix
the fringe”.
йэркэйэ-сум (from the noun йэркэйэ –
“tambourine”, “to ask smb. to perform a
shamanistic ritual” 146) Мэт хайчиэ мэ
йамдьий. Чапиэн-пэлдудиэ йэркэйэсмэлэ.
–My grandfather was ill. I asked the
oldman Chapien to perform the shamanistic
ritual.
кирийэ-сум (from the noun кирийэ – “name”,
“to name” 152) Таҥ монхэлэ ваай Идьилвэй
кирийэлэк кирийэсльэлҥа. –That hill was also
named after Idilvey.
лавйэ-сум (from the noun лавйэ – “water”, “to
pour water” 187) Мэт чаайньик лавйэстэлэк,
кудэриэнунуҥ лачидэдуол Валь. – Having
poured the water, I leave it [for the nighttime]
near the hearth.
мирийэ-сум (from the nounмирийэ – “wife”,
“to make smb. marry smb.” 243) Туҥ уогитэги
тудэ льуоҕа иэруучэ ҥолаай. Пэлдудиэ мэ
мирийэсум. – This boy [his] has become a
hunter instead of him. The oldman has made him
marry.
момдийэ-сум (from the noun момдийэ – “lace”,
“tape”, “tighten” 252) Угурчэ мэ момдийэсмэк?
–Tighten your shoelace [tape].
вахчэ-сум (from the noun вахчэ – “verge”, “a
keen side”, “to limit”, “to keen” 69) Нэмэлэк
вахчэстэмэк муридьэ? – How would you limit
the needle?
йөҥчэ-сум (from the noun йөҥчэ – “ring”, “bell”,
“to put a bell” 128) Тэт хундиэтэгэ йөҥчэстэлэк
пөчэсэйтаҕанэҥ. – Let your rideable go after
putting a bell [on it’s neck].
өйчэ-сум (from the noun өйчэ – “top”, “apex”,
“end”, “to sharpen” 353) Албэврэги мэр өйчэньи
пайп толи, эл энгэнэҥ өйчэснунҥу. – The
bottom end of the female staff is sharp, it is not
additionally sharpened.
пугучэ-сум (from the noun пугучэ – “fur”, “ to
put the underneck fur between the sutures” 391)
Тэнмэн пугучэлэк пугучэстэҥ иириэйнунуй.
“We sew putting the underneck fur [of the deer]
between the sutures [literally: furring].
угурчэ-сум (from the noun угурчэ – “foot”,
“shoes”, “to provide smb. with shoes” 483) Мала,
абучиэ, мэтул угурчэск. – Grandma, come on,
provide me with shoes.
чигирчэ-сум (from the noun чигирчэ – “limping”,
“ to let wobble” (about a chair) 549). Самхараал
ваай маархан угурчэги ньаарчитнэҥ аҕуолэр,
чигирчидаҕа, моннунҥи «эл чигирчэсльэк,
амутнэҥ өгэтэк». – When the table is unsteady
because one of the legs is installed incorrectly,
it is used to say “put it right, don’t let it wobble”.
эвчэ-сум (from the noun эвчэ – “apex”,
“to sharpen” 582) Э, мэр эвчэсум тудэ
карандаасханэ. –Yes, [he] sharpened his
pencil.
1.4.2. The verbs ending with –
СУМ formed from the verb stems
- Simple verb stems:
альаа-сум (“to melt”, “to thaw (snow)” 35)
Ваавэчэпул сукунэ монҥи «мэр идьирэ
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альаастэм». –The Russians note about this year
that it will thaw [snow] quickly.
мараа-сум (“to put on”, “to dress” 237) Апаналаа
монуолэк ньаавэй тамбакаалэк мараасҥа. –As
the old woman told, they put on a new snow suit.
айаҕа-сум (“to pill off”, “to strip off” 30) Лавл
валь таҥ ондаатэрэлэ айа5аснульэлҥудэҕа! –
You would better strip off the muskrat instead of
drinking [vodka]!
вачаҕа-сум (“to open wide”, “to open” 69)
Хуодиир вачаҕасмэк, ат эл вачаҕасчиийэҥ. –
Why do you let him open [his mouth] wide, I
woudn’t have done so.
йатаҕа-сум (“to straighten” 119) Чальдьэлэк
йатаҕасулҕанэ таат ульуойинуни. – When I
straighten it with my hands, it tears.
лаҕаҕа-сум (“to lay out” 188) Ан таат
лаҕаҕаснурэҥ сукунэ сил5альэснунҥа, таҥниги
амутнэҥ силҕальэйтэй. – This is how you dry
clothes laying it out, then they dry well.
ланмуҕа-сум (“to wave in the wind” , “to swing”
198) Сатана, тидэҥ хаҕимэ мит вадуннимэ
лаҥудэҥ ланмуҕаайнуй. Сирайкаан, мэт тудэл
мэ ланмуҕасут. – Devil, that crow is flying to
our summer yaranga. Damn it, I will show it how
to swing!
либаҕа-сум (“to tremble”, “to swing”, “to
shake” 202) Таҥ көдиэ моҥоҕа талҕатэй.
льаруҕа-сум (“to bend elastically” 223)
Ваарэчилэ льаруҕасмэлэ. –[He] bent elastically
a young riverside silver willow .
мойаҕа-сум (“to walk”, causative, “to move” 246)
Тиэҥ көдэ тудэ уоҕанэ амутнэҥ мойаҕасум. –
This man made his son to work hard.
нираҕа-сум (“to grin”, multiple “to grin” 287)
Йуодьэ ҥолльэлтэй, хуодиик – ньангуму
хуодиир нираҕастэм. May be it is a desease, he
won’t grin on purpose.
падуҕа-сум (“to tremble”, “to snort” 361)
Йоходилэ аҥалэ падуҕасмэлэ. The horse is
snorting.
подьаҕа-сум (“to gleam”, “to make gleaming”
375) Йэрпэйэҕа титэ тудэ чо5ойэҕанэ
подьаҕастэҥ кэлуунулльэнь, чиилэ икивиир. –
He was coming with his knife gleaming in the sun
to frighten people.
сабаҕа-сум (“to show” 417) Тудэ сисхапэ
сабаҕасмэлэ. – [He] shows his claws.
савҕа-сум (“to beat” 420) Тудэ сисхадамунэк
сэспэҕан чаманэҥ савҕасум. –He beat the door
with his fingerbones.
сальҕа-сум (“to break” 426) «Элэнь, миринь тэт
маалаҕур чалдьэ сальҕасур, поньитэмэк». –
Only whan you break both arms, you will let go.
сисаҕа-сум (“to chop” 437) Анаан лачил
сисаҕастаҕанэҥ. – Chop a little more
«Лэгулэҥ сэврэҥумлэ, таҥньэ холльэ?» –
мондэҥ көрэл моҥолэ либаҕаснунум. – The
devil degan to move [waking up]. Little man hid
in the malakhay. The devil shakes the malakhay
saying “The food was brought, wasn’t it?Where
is it then?”
лиэҕа-сум (“to run around”, causative “run
around” 207) Амдур көчэгэсчэ көдэлэ моннунҥи:
«Маранмэ лиэҕасум». – They say about the
man quickly riding [on the deer] that [he] “runs
around”.
лолҕа-сум (“to boil” 209) Тит Чаайньиктиэ
лолҕастэлэк кудэрэҥитаҕанэк. – After boiling
the kettle, put it [near the hearth].
firewood.
силҕаҕа-сум (“to dry quickly” 433) Хадьир
адуҥунҕанэ моннунҥи «силҕаҕастэҥ сэврэм». –
It is the case when they say “he brings it in after
drying”.
туҥҕа-сум (“to take away” 466) Кин хайчиэтэгэ
мэ ньийуоҥи, мэ лайнааҥи, пайпэ ньаҕат
тиҥҕасур. – Two bears have met taking away a
woman from each other.
чисчаҕа-сум (“to splatter water” (when carrying
it in a bucket) 552) Эбэу! Адуҥ чаайньик
чисчаҕастэҥ нэмуол кэчиинунмэк?Why do
you carry this kettle splattering the water
around?
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чихаҕа-сум (“to creak”, “to make creak” 554)
Самхараал угурчэ эл чихаҕасльэк. – Don’t
make the table legs creak.
ханмиҕа-сум (“to kill” 510) Йэвлугэ,
аҕарэндьэрукунпэлэ
таат
йугулвэстэҥ
ханмиҕаснунҥа. – Poor breathing men are
killed tormenting..
The affix –ҕа (-ҕо) denotes such processes
or acts which are measured and monotonous and
do not have any variations or changes. Herewith
they are stems and therefore are included as nonderivative.
миара-сум (“to grind” (with a file), causative
“to make grind” 239) Мэтул Эл эвиэр, Гошиэнь
миарасум. – She didn’t trust me and made Gosha
grind with a file.
йуула-сум (“to get upset”, “to make upset” 141)
Тороходиэ мэтханэ мэ йуулласҥа. – Torokhodie
[proper name] made me upset.
чааха-сум (“to let freeze” 529) Мэт тэтул эл
чаахастэйэҥ. – I won’t let you freeze.
кэльгудэ-сум (“to pull deer with a halter”, “to
pull” 179) Тинэ тэт хуньэпэ кэльгудэсмэк
модьэҥ, ураричир. – At that time he pulled his
two-year-old deer bucks taming them.
эндэ-сум (“to kindle”, causative “to make kindle”
599) Эл эндэснунҥу саалэ. –They didn’t allow to
kindle the firewood.
мөндьэ-сум (multiple from мөндьэсэй- “to wake
up” 262) Көдэ мөндьэстаҕанэҥ эл мөндьэйлбудьэ көдэлэ ваай моннунҥи, «аавэги энгэнэҥ
чоҕуонь». – We say about a peson who cannot get
up even when someone is waking him up, that he
“has sound sleep”.
ча5адьэ-сум (“to move”, “to work” 536) Адуги
эл ча5адьэсльэк, адуги мэ пугочань. – Don’t
move this one, it is light.
турхандьэ-сум (reflexive “to catch a cold” 477)
Ан палааткэҕа турхандьэсмэк. – He caught a
cold in the tent.
аавэ-сум (“to sleep”, causative “to make sleep”
17) Мол арууги эл мөндьиэльэк, вэрвэлэк
аавэск. –Don’t listen to him, he will make you
go to sleep.
аҕальвэ-сум (“to make laugh” 25) Хаалич,
хуодиир чиҥичэл лаҥудэҥ уоҥ аҕальвэсаамэк?!
Эл аҕальвэсльэк тандаальэ дьии мэ
ньаньинунҥа. – For God’s sake, why have you
started to make the child laugh by night?! Don’t
allow him to laugh, old men considered it even
sinful.
йугулвэ-сум (“to be tormented”, “to suffer”,
“to make suffer” 129) Көдэ ҥолдэ хурууд-уо эл
йугулвэсльэк, сэв-морирэ сэвк. – If you are a
man, don’t torment God’s son, come in if you
like.
ньаавэ-сум (“to be white”, “to whitewash” 302)
Туҥ мэт нимэ ат ньаавэсмэҥ, эл ууттэйморийэҥ. – I need to whitewash my room, but I
can’t manage it.
киэйэ-сум (causative “to make anticipate” 156)
Таҥ хандьаачэ кэлуйуол-моравҕанэ тэт амаа
мэ киэйэсум. –Your father wishing to anticipate
the arrival of that [other bridegroom] sent
matchmakers.
нороҕо-сум (“to creak”, “to crunch” 290)
Пукульуулэ мэ нороҕосум. – He crunches the
cartilage.
литэгэ-сум (“to stare” 206) Мол тэт йуодии эл
литэгэсльэк, эл иҥиэнаатэйэҥ. – Don’t stare
at me, I won’t get frightened anyways.
льитэгэ-сум (“to hit” 226) Экыэ Аннап
анмолҕинь эл льитэгэснунҥу уолэ. – In the
elder sister Anna’s family they don’t hit children
at all.
мудьэгэ-сум (“to shake”, “to wobble” 269) Мэ
мудьэгэсум өлдьэлэ, истуоллэ. – The shuttle is
shaking, the table is wobbling.
муйигэ-сум (“to bite” 269) Мэ муйигэсум. “He
is biting a piece”.
пэдугэ-сум (causative “to say” 408) Нэмэҥоллэҥ
пэдугэск. – Make him say something.
пулгэ-сум (“to get out”, “to go out”, “to take
out” 396) «Тит лахульпэ мэ пулгэсут, титул
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мэ лэгут! – Мони. –“I will take out your lungs
and eat you! – he херу Devil] said.
тибэгэ-сум (“to make dull sounds”, “ to click”
461) Пойуойнэ таат паайдудаҕа, монҥутэй
«мэ тибэгэсум». – If they strike many times,
they would say “they make many dull sounds
with striking”.
ньаньбэ-сум (“to feel bad” (from the excessive
amount of fat food eating), causative “to make eat
a lot of fat food and sweets” 309) Нумунэ модьэҥ,
мирэ пөлчэнмэ муоха лөгитэр ньанбэсмэк
тэт уорпэ. – I’ve told you if you make them eat
chir [fat food] they will feel bad [because of
eating fat food].
амду-сум (“to hurry”, “to hurry somebody” 41)
Мол эл амдусльэк, илэ вайи коральҕа эл сав. –
Don’t hurry the deer, the animals have not got
into the yard yet.
пунду-сум (“to tell” 397) Эл пундуснулльэк
кинуоллэҥ, таат ураатэй. – Don’t let him copy
anyone, it will become a habbit.
G. Kurilov considers the affix –ду delivering
the meaning of a repeated act. But in the modern
Yukagir language we consider it as a stem.
эйкири-сум (“to swim across”, causative “to
make swim across” 590) Йоходилэлэк мэр
эйкирисуҥ. – He swam across on his horse
[literally: he made it swim across].
альҕурэ-сум (causative to “make a noise”
37) Амутнэҥ иитнэҥ альҕурэсҥа титтэ
уорпэҕанэ. – Oh, how late it is to allow your
children to make a noise [to play around].
иэрэ-сум (“to pasture”, causative “to make
pasture” 103) Көлтэл чиҥичэлҕа виэн көдэ
алҕан иэрэстэй. – We will ask another man to
pasture this coming night.
кивэрэ- сум (“to plane”, causative “to make
plane” 149) Мэтинь эл кивэрэс... –He has not
allowed me to plane…
кунгэрэ-сум (“to pluck out”, causative “to make
pluck out” 170) Ульэгэлэ анмин мэ кунгэрэсум. –
Nevertheless [he] made her pluck out the grass.
пиирэ-сум (“not ot get”, “not to achieve”,
causative “to make wild deer go around not letting
them out of the encirclement” 373) Пиирэсмуол…
Туҥ йалҕилҕа талавлэ сэврэллэк, туҥиэрэлэк
(пиирэстэлэк) пуннунльэлҥа. – Пиирэсмуол…
After driving the wild deer to the lake, they
didn’t let them get away (made them go around
[literally: rush around]) and killed them.
сугурэ-сум (causative “to make stick” 445)
Чумурги анмэльэй ньамучэндьэ чуулэҥ.
Эньиэги тадаа киэчэн кудэриик сугурэсмэлэ. –
The back [of the glutton] is sheer red meat.
Mother made the rovduga stick there.
чугирэ – сум (“to whistle”, “to din”, “to lash”
561) Ньиҥиэдигийэлэк амутнэ чугирэсум тудэ
адуоҕанэ. – He lashed his son well with the belt.
уттэгэврэ – сум (“to rest”, causative “to make
rest” 489) Хайчиэпул, митул эдьитэҥик,
уттэгэврэсҥик. – Grandfathers, help us, give
some opportunity to rest.
эврэ-сум (“to walk”, “to go”, causative “to force
to walk” 581) Амаа эврэснун… – The father
drove accompanying him.
иисэ-сум (“to suckle”, causative “to make
suckle” 90) «Эл иисэсльэк, эл иисэсльэк!» –
мондэҥ оориньаануни. – “Don’t let suckle, don’t
let suckle”, – [she] said crying.
лайсэ-сум (“to bark”, causative “to make bark”
195) Тиэҥ апаналаа йохоннимэ тудуруу
льэр эл мөринулльэлут, таатльэр сукинь
лайсэснунум. – That old woman, who sits in the
wooden house, does not hear and may be that is
why she does not allow [her dogs] to bark.
савасэ-сум (“to chare”, “to divide”, causative
“to make divide” 419) Таат модьэҥ тиэҥ көдэ
тудэ иэруулҕанэ эл савасэстэҕа. – … [I] said
so, when that man had not allowed to divide his
prey.
сахсэ-сум (“to pour out” 431) Этуо, мэ
хоҕольэсльэлум тудэ биэдэрэн лавйэҕанэ, ах
сахсэсур. – Oh, you made you buckle almost
empty by pouring the water out.
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пиисэ-сум (causative “to make wrap” 373)
Хадьир тидэҥ тудэ тиваҕайрукунҕанэ уудэк
мэтинь пиисэснунум, маарльэлэк-нэмэлэк. –
She was constantly making me wrap this
twinkling thing [a doll] into gauze…
пупсэ-сум (“to teach a good lesson” 401) Хадьир
титул мэ пупсэсут. – I will teach you a good
lessson.
антэ-сум (“to touch” 47) Эгуойи илэҕа эврэрэ,
исэ, мэ нэмэн дьиивэ мэ йуотэмк. Таҕи эл
антэсльэҥитаҕанэк. – Tomorrow, when you are
with the flock, you may see something unusual.
Don’t touch it.
вэлтэ-сум (“to hang”, causative “to make hang”
76) Элэнь, тэт эмдьэ тадаа эл вэлтэсут,
мэтуолльэлк эл вэлтэсчиитэйэҥ. – No, your
sister won’t allow to hang it there, and I won’t
let neither.
көткэ-сум (“not to be sure” 164) Мэт тэн көдэ
дитэ балльэлдьэ тидаа ат мараасуҥ. Ах
көткэсур эл мараасчэҥ. – If I was a normal [not
ill] man, I woud have dressed the child long time
ago. I didn’t dress the child, because I was not
sure that I could make it.
өлкэ-сум (“to run”, causative “to make run” 355)
Кинэк чугуолэл, эну чичиркинь өлкэснунҥа,
монур йаҥрэҥ эл хуудэйҕан. – The fast one was
made running along the river not to let the geese
come up to the river bank.
кэрильэ-сум (“to cut”, “to break up” 181)
Ньаавэл
–пэлдудиэ
апаналааги
чуулэ
кэрилэстэлэк, йуодурубулҕа тадинунум таҥ
пэлдудиэтэгинь. – The oldman Nyaval’s wife
gave the meat to that oldman having cut it.
лаҕальэ-сум (“to skin” 190) Чоҕойэлэк көҥиэм
хонморавдаҕанэ, мэ лаҕальэсум. – He skinned
kamas with a knife.
кэриэ-сум (“to take off”, “to undress” 182)
Апаналаа чуораскэлэ мэ кэриэсум, саан савҕак
кудэрэмлэ, лэгунмэндьэк мэньмэлэ. – The old
woman took off the cauldron, put a wooden plate
and took a hook for taking out the meat.
ньимиэ-сум (“to put out the fire” 316) Эльи
лачилэ эл йуоҕан, лачил ньимиэск. –Don’t let
him see the fire yet, put it out.
We should also refer here the case with
a complicated verbal stem (with a difficultly
isolated word-forming affix) пан-аа-сум (“to
brew (about tea)”, “to make tea” 365).
1.4.3. The verbs formed from
complex stems (with a well determined
indicator), which require –СУМ
пал-аа-сум (“to come off”, “to get untied”
(if speaking about a tie), “to take off”, “to pull
off” 363) Тудэл мэ моойм тудэ лаамэдуоҕанэ,
игийэдаҕанэ йуодаҕан палаастэлэк, мэ
көчидьиснум. – She held her dog, which was
nervous, having taken off the collar over the [its]
head.
понь-аа-сум (“to stay”, “to leave” 383) Мэт
йуодьуолҥол ат поньаасуҥ. –Leave it to
remember you by.
тэтчиэ-ҥол-аа-сум (“to become rich”, “to
make rich” 482) Көдэд-эврэл титханэ мэ
тэтчиэҥолаасэтэм. – Guest in your house
[visits of people] makes you rich [therefore,
always be hapy when people come to your
house].
хан-аа-сум (“to migrate”, “to move to a new
place” 507) Нимэпэдаҕанэ мэ ханаасум. – All
the people from their house moved [to a new
place].
чаҕ-аа-сум («”to cross the river”, “to let swim
across the river” 535) Тэньитэ Апанаачи амаа
чаҕаасут, энулэ. – From here on the father of
Afoniya will help [them] to cross the river.
порча-ҕа-сум (“to splash”, “to spill around”
384) Эбэу, адуҥ чааньик порчаҕастэҥ нэмуол
кэчиинумэк? – Why do you carry this teapot
spilling the water around?
хам-да-сум (“to hack for smb”, causative “to
make hack for smb” 505) Курилэу-пэлдудиэ
Сэвиэт-пэлдудиэҕанэ ваай хамдасум маархан
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хандьэҕа. –The oldman Saviete made the oldman
Kurileu to hack for him during one year.
хонҕа-ҕа-сум (“to bend” 521) «Тэт папаайуол
мөрэйк! Эл амуч тэт папаайуол?» – мондэҥ
ноҕодаҕильгининь хонҕаҕаснунуй. – “Here,
smell your urine! How does it smell?”- we say
bending him to the bed.
The derivative stems with the affix –дьииare close in meqning with a transitive verbs
ending with –йии.
пан-ди-счэ-сум (“to put smth”, “to provide
with prey (for one dinner)” 366) Насиилэй
пандисчэстэм – альҕаги таат алҕамлань
таҥ йалҕил. – We get hardly provided with food
[for one dinner]: there is almost no fish in the
lake”.
көчи-дьи-сум (“to struggle”, “to rush about”,
causative “to make break away”, “to make rush
about” 166) Көчидьистэҥ мит ньаачинь
эгуу-дьи-сум (“to look for”, to look at smth”,
causative “to make look for smth” 585) Тэт уо
эл эгуудьиснулльэлк, идиэнунк. – Don’t let
look for putting the head out, forbid [literally: to
lecture somebody].
йуо-дьэ-сум (“to wound” 136) Йуодэстэ,
эгуойиэ эгуорэлэк, лаамэндэҥ уунундьэли. – If
they wound, then tomorrow morning they will go
with a dog.
лоҕо-дьэ-сум (“to wash oneself”, causative “to
make wash oneself” 207) Таҥниги баанньикха
чиилэ лоҕодьэснумэҥ. – In those times I
worked in sauna [literally: I made people wash
themselves].
мөр-дьэ-сум (“to inform”, “to let know”,
causative “to make know”, “to make inform”
264) Кэлуйуол-моравдаҕанэ мэ мөрдьэсҥа. –
They let us know about his arrival.
пуҥ-дьэ-сум (“to let get cooked” 399) Пуҥдэстэҥ
нираҕастэҥ кэлуй. –He drove to us a horse
rushing from one side to another and rising on
its hind legs.
ньиэ-дьи-сум (“to speak”, causative “to make
speak” 325) Эйк хуодэбандьэ көдэ ҥоллэҥ
ньиэдьистэм. – He will make anybody
speak.
сар-уо-дьи-сум (“to come in a harnessed narta
around the house of a bridegroom and his parents
three time (about a bride with her head covered)”,
“ to let go around the house of a bridegroom” 429)
Таҥут хадьир моннунҥумлэ «саруодьисҥа». –
We say about this: “they let go around the house
of the bridegroom”.
тэну-бун-дьи-сум (“to starve”, causative “to
make starve” 481) Таҥниги уорпэлэ амутнэҥ
тэнибундьисҥа. – In those times the children
were starving.
хуу-дьи-сум (“to climb”, causative “to make go
up” 527) Аннадиэнь модьэҥ: «Ичуотаҕанэк,
уорпэ эл хуудьисльэтаҕанэҥ аньибэҕа» – [I]
told Anna: “Be careful, don’t let the children to
climb the child’s narta”.
лэвтэмэк [албэврэги пуҥиэдаҕа лэвнурэҥ]. –
You will eat as the food is cooked [i.e. eating the
part, which is ready].
The affix –вэ participates in the formation
of verbs with the meaning of “somebody or
something being in the process of transition from
one state into another”.
пан-дэ-сум (“to set”, causative “to make
set” 366) Илийэ мэ хаалич, эл пандэсмори,
саабандьэлэ. – The wind is horrible, it won’t let
us set the nets.
пөрин-дэ-сум (“to kick”, causative “to make
kick” 389) Тэт кэдэл уоҥинь эл пөриндэсльэк,
чуольэ чии мэ ньаньҕиинунҥа. – Don’t let your
child get kicked, old people considered it sinful.
чулҕа-дэ-сум (“to crush ice”, causative “to
make crush ice” 564) Авйаа амаа мэтэк
чулҕадэсмэлэ. – Yesterday my father let me
crush ice.
пөмо-гэ-сум (“to walk around smth”, “to go
around” 379) Имдалдьэсчэ хайль пөмогэстэлэк
эл мэнчуон Мони: «Мэт вэрвэ мэ танньэл». –
Having walked around the fi fth stone he even
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didn’t take it and said “This is all the power I
have”.
пэн-гэ-сум (“to return” 410) Монтинэҥ
кудэриэнаарэлэк эл пэнгэсльэк. – If you’ve
started to put [the shotglass] on the table, don’t
return it.
саҕа-нэ-сум (“to seat” 423) Тигираа
саҕанэстэлэк лөгитэк. – Seat [the child] there
and feed.
пай-ду-сум (“to beat”, causative “to force to
beat” 363) Средньэйҕа ураанулэха маархадьэҥ
йэркэйэлэ пайдусҥудаҕа мэ пайдунаай льэй
маранмэ. – We simply started to beat [the
tambourine], when durin our studies in the
town Srednekolymsk we were forced to beat the
tambourine.
таҥу-ду-сум (“to go”, “to chase”, causative
“to force to chase” 460) Таат, хабунчайлэҕан
таҥудуснунум. – Thus he forced [him] to chase
fro several days.
вати-льэ-сум (“to lay out”, “to spread out”
68) Савадэньуо вэдэгэрэйрэҥ силҕальэсур
монҥутэй «мэ ватильэсуҥ». – When the skin is
dried being straighten, they say: [I] have spread
it out.
лаҥҕа-льэ-сум (“to tousle” 198) Идьиэ
моҥойдьилпэ
титтэ
монильэҕанэ
лаҥҕальэснунҥа. – Now women tousle their hair
[i.e make their hair curly].
лөти-льэ-сум (“to make oneself dirty” 213)
Исэ ньангуму лөтильэсльэлтэм, нэмэлэҥ
эвльэтэл. – May be he made himself dirty on
purpose; things happen.
саба-льэ-сум (“to stop doing” 417) Хадьир илэнбуньил ҥоллэҥ сабальэсҥа. – [They] have even
stopped killing deer.
саби-льэ-сум (“to stretch on the ground” 418)
Хуодии сабильэсмэк? – What for have you
stretched [the skin]?
силҕа-льэ-сум (“to dry” 434) Савалэ эл
йатаҕасчуон, чиэмэгин оллэҥ эл виэчуон
силҕальэсльэлум. – She was drying skins
not having straightened them, not even having
cleaned the blood.
солҕо-льэ-сум (“to gather many things
at one place” 440) Илэ маархалльэҕа
солҕольэснунуй, таҕи ваай «солнэй». – We
also gather a lot of deer together at one place,
it is [called] solney.
солхо-льэ-сум (“to build up” 441) Тидэҥ самнай
савалэ солхольэсум, монур пурэн банҕан. –
[Edilvey] has built up [under himself without
drawing attention] the skin spead out in front of
him to make it a lit bit higher.
сохо-льэ-сум (“to lasso” 443) Маачэ
сохольэск. – Make a lasso [before catching the
deer]: Мэ сохольэсум. – He made a lasso.
паду-льэ-сум (“to loosen”, “to make loosen”
362) Оу, модьэҥ энгэнэҥ падульаальэнь,
тэт нондавйэ игийэ! Ньангуму титэ
падульэсмэк? – Your bow string has loosened
so much! Have you done it on purpose?
помди-льэ-сум (“to grease” 377) Тудэ пуойэҕанэ
мэ нэмэлэк помдильэсльэлум, моннуҥи. – They
say he has greased his cheek with something.
помо-льэ-сум (“to adz” 379) Саан халдаваҕанэ
поҕодэ дитэ помольэсльэлум. – He adzed the
bark as a copeck.
помпи-льэ-сум (“to make too short” 381) Туҥ
уон маҕилҕанэ энгэнэҥ помпильэсльэлум. –
She made it too short, [she] made this child’s
dress short.
поти-льэ-сум (“to fill in” 385) Чааньик энгэнэҥ
эл потильэсльэк. – Don’t fill the kettle with too
much water.
пункэ-льэ-сум (“to put in a form of a heap”
398) Эдьилэй савалэ тудэ ал пункэльэстэлэк
саҕанаальэнь, самхараал бурэн чэндэйлҥинь. –
Edilvey having put the skin under him in form of
a heap wanted to jump [literally: to fly] over the
table.
пэтэ-льэ-сум (“to sew on with large stitches”
413) Мэт эньиэ маархуонь көйлуупэлэ, мит
сукунпиэ иириэнунмэлэ, пэтэльэснунмэлэ. –
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My mother sewed only torn places; she sewed
them on with large stitches.
тилба-льэ-сум (“to flatten out”, “to make flat”
464) Мэ тилбальэсум. – [He] flattened it out.
тэнму-льэ-сум (causative “to starve” 480) Илэлэ,
лаамэлэ мэ тэнмульэсум, эл лөгитэр. – [He]
made the deer and the dogs starve by not giving
them food.
тэпи-льэ-сум (“to make dirty” 481) Тудэ
йолҕанэ мэ нэиэлэн тэпильэсльэлум. – [He]
made his nose dirty with something.
хаба-льэ-сум (“to bare”, “to have hair shaved
off” 496) Амутнэҥ хабальэсльэлҥа, иньуори
виэн гөдэ дитэ куричиильэнь. – He has his
hair shaved off, now he looks like a completely
different person.
харпи-льэ-сум (“to ruin”, “to break” 512)
Нимэги харпильэсльэлмэлэ тидэҥ көдэҥинь
ньаарчуул кэрэвэн личиэ. – A bad bull attacking
people has ruined his house.
хоҕи-льэ-сум (“to dig a pit” 515) Эримэлэ анаан
хоҕильэсльэлум. –It’s so great that he has dug
a pit in the snow.
хоҕо-льэ-сум (“to make not full”, “to reduce”
515) Эттуо, мэ хоҕольэсльэлум тудэ биэдэрэн
лавйэҕанэ, ах сахсэсур. – Oh, you have made
your bucket not full by splashing the water out.
чари-льэ-сум (“to make notches” 548)
Ньавньиклиэрава пайдулҥинь ваай сальҕарии
дитэльуо саалэ чарильэснунҥа. – [For this
purpose], after shaking off the polar fox skin,
they make notches on the stick, which look like
teeth.
чуҥгэ-льэ-сум (“to pull trousers down” 566)
Адун тэт уо ньангуму чуҥгэльэсмэк ? –
Have you pulled the trousers of your child on
purpose?
With the help of the affix –ньэ the verbs
with the meaning “to own smb/smth” expressed
by the nominal stem.
ан-ньэ-сум (“to speak”, causative “to make
speak” 46) Мэтул эл анньэсльэк, йоҥоньаарэ
тэт амаань аҕундьаатэйэҥ. – Don’t make me
speak, if I get angry I will complain about it to
your father.
оори-ньэ-сум (“to cry”, causative “to
make cry” 346) Көрэл монтэй: «Хуодиир
оориньэснумэк?» – Tha Devil said: “Why do
you make cry?”
өр-ньэ-сум (“to shout”, causative “to make
shout” 358) Эл өрньэсльэк, иимулгэ! – Don’t
make him shout, it is so tiresome!
тудэ-ньэ-сум (“to be loaded on nartas
for transportation”, “to put on the narta
for transportation” 474) Куодьэстэлэк,
тудэньэстэҥ, мэ ханааҥи, Кулума лаҥудэҥ. –
They tied [Edilvey’s] hands and legs and having
put him on the narta, they directed to Kolyma.
уо-ньэ-сум (“to have a child”, causative “to
make calve” 490) Малаа, йоходилэ йоньэск. –
Ok, make the horse calve.
элэҥ-ньэ-му-сум (“to be lazy”, “to make lazy”
596) Титэ уорпэҕанэ нэмэҕанэҥ эл чаҕадьэсур,
таат элэҥньэмуснунҥа. – It happens so, that
they make their children lazy by not making them
work somewhere.
пан-иэ-сум (“to hold nets”, causative “to net”
367) Көнмиэ дьии, көдэ ҥоллэҥ паниэстэҥ
льиэнунҥи таҥ Черскайҕа. – In tha [village]
Chersky some people live by giving others to set
their nets.
пэл-иэ-сум (“to catch up”, causative “to allow
to catch up” 409) Кинидьэҥ эл пэлиэсэ. – He
does not allow anybody to catch him up [in
running].
йуө-сэ-сум (“to see”, causative “to force to
show” 134) Бууттэ уорпэҥинь эл йуөсэсҥут
таҥ киинэлэ. – It seems like kids are not allowed
to see that movie.
пил-иэ-сэ-сум (“to towel”, causative “to make
towel” 374) Тэт амаа тудэ ньаачэпилиэйэлэк
мэтинь
эл
пилиэсэснун,
йуодииги
йуодьэндаҕа. – Your father didn’t allow me to
use his towel while his eyes hurt.
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помэ-сэ-сум (“to roll” 380) Хуодэҥ
чаҕаатуок, ваайлги хайльэҥ помосэсмэлэ! –
How will we cross [the river], the current rolls
the stones.
эд-иэ-сэ-сум (“to burn”, causative “to make
burn” 586) Йаҥдэҥ йуоҕанэ… лачилҕа эл
эдиэсэсчиинунҥу. Хуодэҥ эдиэсэсҥутэм, мит
лэвэйнбурэбэ чуулги?! – They didn’t allow us
… (didn’t let us) to burn the geese’s heads. How
would they allow to burn when it is the body of
our earth?!
анҕа-рэ-сум (“to scrape” , causative “to force to
do scraping” 45) Мэтуолльэлдьэ анминь мэр
ат анҕарэсуҥ таҥ тит мархиль. – If I were
you I would have forced that giral of yours to do
scraping.
аньмэ-рэ-сум (“to bestraddle”, causative “to
нинҕа-ра-сум (“to growl”, causative “to make
growl” 286) Эл нинҕарэсльэк, таат нинҕарэр
мэр ураатэй, лаамэдуо. – Don’t allow to growl:
the puppy will learn to growl this way.
оо-рэ-сум (“to indicate”, causative “to force
to indicate” 347) Эльин титтэ йавулҕанэ
оорэсчуон кэвийиэҥи. – At first we dicided to
go without any indication [literally: not having
received any indication] about our way.
пу-кирэ-сум (“to help out” 394) Пупсэҕан,
пукирэснуҕан таат туридьиэ. –Let him suffer,
let him help out [komiars] all by himself.
сэв-рэ-сум (“to bring in”, causative “to make
bring in” 453) Мотинэҥ пулгэсуодьэ сукун
хуодэ сэврэстэм. – How will I make them bring
in back the things they have brought out?
тонҥо-рэ-сум (“to go”, causative “to force to go”
force to bestraddle” 49) Адуҥ тэт ураридьилпэ
эльи кинидьэҥ эл аньмэрэснулльэлк. – Don’t
let anybody bestrabble these just tamed riding
horses.
ворпэ-ри-сум («сторожить», «караулить»,
побуд. «заставить сторожить» 73) Ньумудьэл
энмун
(кин
вадуд-уок
льэл)
таҥпэк
ворпэриснунҥҥумлэ. – В каждую стоянку
заставляли сторожить тех [двух парней
юкагиров].
йуо-ра-сум («играть», побуд. «заставить
играть» 138) Тан нимэҕа эньиэги эл йуораснун,
470) Мэтэйлэк поньаасчиильэлут хуодиик.
Таҥньэлэ тоҥорэсмэҥ. – It seems like she
made him left it herself. She forced to go for that
[thing].
холли-йуо-ри-сум (“to envy”, causative “to
make envy” 519) Нэмуол холлийуорисмэк? –
Why do you make me envy?
чэнгу-ру-сэм (“to fly”, causative “to make fly”
577) Тиэҥ уорпэ йорондаапэлэ уудэк понорииҥа,
чэнгурусҥа. – Children frighten the snipes all the
time making them fly away.
эв-дьии-рэ-сум (“to understand, to get to know
that somebody is going to die soon”, causative
“to let know that someone will die” 579) Даша
Черскайинь кэвийиэда5а өчиэдиэ тудэ
кэдэлэҕанэ Дашиэнь мэр эвдиирэсум. – When
сукунэ хуйаатэм монур. – А дома мать [его] не
дает играть, оапсаясь, что вещи истопчет,
разбросает.
лайа-рэ-сум (“to guard”, causative “to make
guard” 192) Мэт эмдьэ пуньдэ, мэтул
ваай пуньтэҕанэк. Мэтул лайарэсулҕанэ,
мэтэйлэдэҥ эл энтэйэҥ. –If you kill my sister,
kill me too. If you let me live, I won’t live.
лоҕо-рэ-сум (“to wash”, “to launder”, causative
“to make wash, “to make launder” 208) Таҥуллэк
лоҕорэснунҥа идьиэнэҥ, көчэйк кинуолҕан.
They make one wash with it even now, anyone
would хин nationality].
Dasha dicided to go to [the village] Chersky, her
uncle let her know that he will die soon.
Derivative stems with the affix –тэ exspress
the meaning of completeness of an action or a
process leading to some physical, psychological,
spatial or other changes of an object of the action
(in a wide meaning).
аат-тэ-сум (“to stop” 21) Митханэ, кэвэйтэй
чииҕанэ, мэ хуодиир йавнуо ааттэсҥа. – Al of
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us who wanted to leave were stopped for some
reason.
аҕи-тэ-сум (“to hide”, causative “to make
hise” 28) Ханьинэгэ, ах пэлдудиэги ваҥчидаҕа
аҕитэсльэлтэм. – Of course she made me hide
it, may be because her husband constantly asked
her to do so.
вальи-тэ-сум (“to pay”, causative “to make
pay” 65) Хандьэлэ мит лачил5анэ тудинь мэ
вальитэсҥа. – They made him pay for the wood
for winter.
наҕа-тэ-сум (“to fall”, causative “to make fall”
280) Пөриндэр мэ наҕатэсум. –He made him
fall by kicking.
өгэ-тэ-сум (“to put”, causative “to make put”
352) Тэн чуольэ аҕуолуодаҕа өгэтэсльэлҥудаҕа
мэтэйлэдэҥ мэт нимэ ат виэҥ. – I would have
put [yaranga] myself, if they let me put it in the
old place.
пахуль-тэ-сум (“to fasten buttons”, causative “to
make fasten buttons” 371) Ичуок, сатана, ваай
тудэ маҕилҕанэ эл пахультэсчуон пукирэч! –
Look, devil, [he] went out again not having
fastened the buttons on the coat.
пэт-тэ-сум (“to ride”, “to trot” 412) Пэттэсуум! – He is riding trotting [his horse]!
эйи-тэ-сум (“to get”, causative “to make smb get
somewhere” 588) Таатльэр эл эйитэсльэл. –
Then [he] didn’t allow to elect her [i.e. he didn’t
allow her to get into delegates].
йуку-му-сум (“to decrease” 130) Тадаатэ льиэ,
хадьираа, йукумусхан тудэ лавйҕанэ. – And
then enough, let him decrease [make rare] the
use of the herbs.
лайа-му-сум (“to leave”, “to do so that something
is left” 192) Мэт ваай титинь мэ лайамусут. –
I will also do something, so they leave for you
[some broad whitefish in the cellar].
лугу-му-сум (“to get older”, “to look older” 214)
Көнмэ гөдэҕанэ варайнэҥ ньаавэмулльэлдьэ
монильэги лугумуснунул. – Some people look
older due to early white hair.
пугоча-му-сум (“to become lighter”, “to make
lighter” 389) Йугуллаҕандьэ ньуҥурдоҥойги мэ
пугочамус-моримэк. – You will have to make
the right bag lighter [about the bags hanging
over the saddle]
пукульу-му-сум (“to be fusible”, “to make
fusible” 395) Чуолэ пукульумусулҥинь лачилҕа
моойнунҥа. – Iron should be held in the fire to
make it fusible. пойу-му-сум (“to increase” 376)
Виэн чии илэ мэннур таат пойумусум-даҕи. –
Having collected the deer from other herds [here:
people] he may be increased [the smount of his
herd].
чэв-ну-сум (“to sneeze”, causative “to make
sneeze” 574) Пэрэн! Эл чэвнусльэк уоҥ? – Get
away! Don’t make the child sneeze!
чаврэ-му-сум (“to be narrow”, “to make
narrow” 532) Тудэ туурии албэврэҕанэ энгэнэҥ
чаврэмульэлум. – You made the bottom of your
trousers too narrow, too tight.
чаму-му-сум (“to grow up”, “ti bring up a child”
544) Таҥ уолэ ваай тудэ кэдэлҕа чамумусхан. –
And let her bring up the child at her place.
чэкчэ-му-сум (“to become skilful”, “to make
skilfully, neatly” 575) Арууги чакчэндьэ гөдэ
маархад-аруу таат чэкчэмуснунмэлэ. – A
person with figurative language so skillfully uses
one word by changing it.
чуорху-му-сум (“to become hard”, “to make
hard” 572) Тэн мэт чоҕойэ чуо мэ муньуонь,
чуорхумуск. – The iron of my отшау is too mild,
make it hard.
The indicator of the repeated type (or way)
of an action is the affix –йи-, which means that
the action indicated by the verb has been repeated
several times.
саҕуо-йи-сум (“to get lost”, causative “to
make lose one’s way” 424) Амутнэҥ митул
саҕуойисмэк, туҥ нимэлэ эл курильиийэ чии,
нэмэ чуҥур митэйлэк нуутуок! – You made
us lose our way [in the city], how would we find
[your house] if we don’t know how to read!
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ик-чи-сум (“to leash”, causative “to make leash”
92) Пуньуотэй илэ мэр эйуокэгурчиильэнь,
лаамэпэлэ таатльэр икчисҥа. – The deer for
slaughter have come close [to the village], so they
made them leash the dogs.
the short vowels –а, -ө. The stems ending with
–СЭМ have mainly long vowels, among short
vowel stems for –СЭМ there is only – и.
Analysis of examples shows that the indicator
–сэм gets the position after the productive
suffixes with long vowels at the end: –ии-/иэ- (the indicator of a starting action); -уо- (the
indicator of the passive voice); -аа (the indicator
of a starting action).
Simple verb stems with the short vowels
-а-, –э- have the indicator -СУМ. Complex verb
1.5. Conclusions for the analysis
of distribution of the indicators –
СЭМ and –СУМ
The examples are given above in sections
1.3.1. The verbs formed from the nouns with
–СЭМ indicator and 1.4.1. The verbs formed
from the nouns with –СУМ indicator. In section
1.4.1. one can easily note a lot of examples with
the suffi x –СУМ if compared to the examples
with the suffi x –СЭМ. Apparently, it is
connected with the fact that a part of the verbs
requiring –СЭМ has been transferred into the
verbs with –СУМ.
In the cases with verb stems there are two
classes of producing stems characterized by
different end vowels.
Vowels
stems with these vowels require –СУМ.
Simple verb stems with the short vowel –иrequire –СЭМ (like it is ий-сэм, but complex verb
stems ending with –и- regularly have –СУМ.
Complex verb stems ending with the short
vowels –о-, -у- regularly have –СУМ, among
simple verb stems ending with –о-, -у- both
–СЭМ and –СУМ have been determined.
Simple verb stems ending with long vowels
normally have –СЭМ, but we met two exceptions
with –СУМ.
-СЭМ
-СУМ
Simple verbs
Complex verbs
Simple verbs
Complex verbs
а
-
-
+
+
э
2 times
-
+
+
и
+!
-
-
+
о
2 times
-
1 time
+
у
1 time
-
2 times
+
ө
-
-
-
-
аа
+
+
2 times
-
иэ
+
+
2 times
3 times
ии
+
+
-
1 time
уо
+
-
-
-
уө
1 time
-
-
1 time
уу
2 times
+
-
1 time
The given examples show that the stems with
the consonant –й- always get – сэм, and no –сум
has been noted. There are no stems –СЭМ with
Complex verb stems with long vowels have,
as a rule, the indicator –СЭМ, cases with the
indicator -СУМ were recorded only 3 times.
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References
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
Kreinovich E.A. Yukagirskii yazyk [The Yukagir Language]. M.-L., 1958.
Kreinovich E.A. Issledovaniya i materially po yukagirskomu yazuky [Research and Materials on
the Yukagir Language]. L., 1982.
Kurilov G.N. Yukagirsko-russkii slovar’ [The Yukagir-Russian Dictionary]. Yakutsk, 1991.
Nikolaeva I.A., Khelimsky E.A. Yukagirskii yazyk//Yazyki mira:Paleoaziatskie yazyki [The
Yukagir Language // World Languages: Paleo-Siberian Languages], Moscow, 1997, pp. 155-168.
Spiridonov V. Russko-yukagirskii slovar’ [Russian-Yukagir Dictionary]. Zyryanka, 1997.
Nikolaeva I.A., Shalugin V.G. Slovar’ yukagirsko-russkii i russko-yukagirskii (Verkhnekolymskii
dialect) [Yukagir-Russian and Russian-Yukagir Dictionary (Upper-Kolyma Dialect)]. Educational
Materials for the Primary Schoolchildren – 2nd edition, updated. Saint-Petersburg: Drofa Publishing
House, 2002. 224 p.
Atlasova E.S. Slovar’ yukagirsko-russkii i russko-yukagirskii (Tundrennyi dialect) [YukagirRussian and Russian-Yukagir Dictionary (Tundra Dialect)]. Educational Materials for the
Pupils of the 5-9 years of Study of the Secondary School – Saint-Petersburg: the branch of
“Prosveshchenie” Publishing House, 2007. 143 p.
Классы глаголов в юкагирском языке
Э.С. Атласова
Северо-Восточный федеральный университет
им. М.К. Аммосова
Россия 677000, Якутск, ул. Белинского, 58
Статья посвящена подробному описанию классов глаголов в юкагирском языке. Классы
глаголов разделяются по лингвистическим характеристикам. Рассматриваются
характеристики глаголов юкагирского языка в зависимости от глагольной основы.
Ключевые слова: юкагирский язык, глагольные основы, коренные малочисленные народы
Севера.
Работа выполнена в рамках исследований, финансируемых Красноярским краевым фондом
поддержки научной и научно-технической деятельности; тематического плана СФУ по
заданию Министерства образования и науки Российской Федерации.
Работа выполнена в рамках исследований, финансируемых Красноярским краевым фондом
поддержки научной и научно-технической деятельности, а также в рамках тематического
плана СФУ по заданию Министерства образования и науки Российской Федерации.
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Journal of Siberian Federal University. Humanities & Social Sciences 5 (2013 6) 702-706
~~~
УДК 811.512
Somatic Lexicon in Folklore
and Toponyms of the Evenks
Sargylana D. Vinokurova*
M.K. Ammosov North-Eastern Federal University in Yakutsk
58 Belinskiy Str., Yakutsk, 677980 Russia
Received 11.01.2013, received in revised form 25.03.2013, accepted 10.04.2013
The article considers the current problems of folklore and toponymic names of the Evens. The author
analyzes somatic lexicon of the Even language, gives examples of somatic vocabulary in various works
of the Even folklore.
Keywords: Even, folklore, somatic lexicon, indigenous peoples of the North, Siberia and the Far
East.
The work was fulfilled within the framework of the research financed by the Krasnoyarsk Regional
Foundation of Research and Technology Development Support and in accordance with the course
schedule of Siberian Federal University as assigned by the Ministry of Education and Science of the
Russian Federation.
It is worth of note that somatic vocabulary
of the Evenki language is one of the ancient
layers of word stock of the language. The word
“somonym” derives from the Greek “soma” –
«body” and means a certain part of the body.
It should be noted that somatic vocabulary,
being the most ancient stratum of language, is
widely used in the designation of artifacts of the
Evenks, and in the names of nature. Somonyms
are well represented in the oral poetic speech of
the Evenks, as metaphors, similes, epithets.
Toponyms, (from the Greek tons – oputa
place – name, title) is a section of onomastics,
which explores various names of places, their
function, origin and history of its formation,
meaning and its spreading on a certain
territory.
*
Includes such types of toponymics as
oykonomiya – names of villages, towns and
cities; Waternames – the names of water space,
oronyms – terms denoting mountains, hills,
hillocks, cosmonyms – words for extraterrestrial
objects. As the researchers note, toponyms have
become the most valuable material for the history
of the peoples and their traditional culture,
customs and ancient rites. In this respect, we
emphasize the close relationship of toponymics
to such sciences as anthropology, lexicology,
dialectology, etymology, geography, geodesy,
history of language, etc.
Yakutia is a large area of the North-East of
Russia, the total area of the republic is 3.1 million
square kilometers. Here there are 700 000 rivers
and streams, about 800,000 lakes, 80 % of the
© Siberian Federal University. All rights reserved
Corresponding author E-mail address: kafedrasev@mail.ru
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region occupied by taiga forests, tundra, forest
tundra, Arctic desert, mountain landscapes.
Among the names of localities revealed a large
number of Evenki names. V.A. Keymetinov, a
researcher of the Evenki toponymics, noted that
“some of the place names may well have a more
ancient foundation left by the original indigenous
population, particularly Yukagirs, Chukchi,
Koryak”.
For us toponymics is of interest from point
of view of identifying and describing somatic
vocabulary of the Evenki language, so far little
studied. Somatic vocabulary, reflecting the
geographic names and places, quite often can be
found. On the territory of the Oymyakon district
there is Lake Koroto-Korit, the word “korot” can
be translated into the Russian as “ear.” Local
residents explained that the lake is so named
because from the top of the rock it looks like a
shape of the human ear.
The oronym Myaundzha is a distorted
transcription of the Evenki Myaundya,
Myavundya – a big heart. Mountain, iconic of a
heart (Oym). The word is formed with the suffixndya magnifying-pet, glorifying form of the name
Myavchan – oronym (Kobe). The heart is derived
from the root – myavan with the suffix-kan
diminutive meaning. At Moma district in an area
where there are extinct volcanoes (epiney) there
is a hill, like a heart, it is also called myavchan.
Gad Bodel – One-legged, one leg is the name
of the river that runs on the terrain Dogdo (Mom).
Tradition has it that a long time ago there lived
a rich Even named Micanya. He had a beautiful
wife Enche. A poor man Harpan fell in love with
her. Once Micanya killed a bighorn sheep on the
top of a mountain, the sheep rolled down, but
got stuck in the middle of the rock. The owner
tied himself to the bridle, and asked Harpan to
cling onto the belt, and began to go down, but
the poor man released the bridle. Micanya was
hanging in the middle of the rock. Then his wife
said, “Stay here and let your eyes (yasalal) dry
up and turn to dust.” Enche and Harpan started
to laugh at the guy hanging, they ate some meat,
then migrated. But Micanya took out a knife,
began to hollow stone by stone by the size of the
middle finger, got down. Chased them, caught
up. Heard that they were talking about him. The
wife says, “ Micanya is already dead, the soul has
left probably”, Harpan replies, “I guess myavunheart was broken up.” Here Micanya waylaid and
killed Harpan with an ax, and his wife cut the
bodel – leg, nal – hand. Since then, the river, and
this place is called Gad Bodel – one leg.
Oronym Kitini – from kitinchidey – to grin,
the suffix “ni”, adjective denoting external sign
on the action. The Kitin river, mountain Kitin –
apparently the mountain has the shape of a grin.
Hydronym Cherkanbal – from Chorkinbal –
from chor – fist ball – Horizon (llamas), i.e. a
horizon on a cliff with a cam (p.65)
Oronym Horogende – a thumb.
Ebdechen detischanni – spleen (obde)
detis-icing; suffix “chen” with the diminutive
meaning.
Oronym Yasal – eyes
Evdeche koleken – Evdokia navel (Mage)
Amga – by Amna – the mouth, the mouth of
the river in the name of Yakutia. This meaning
V.A. Keymetinov explains as “the river where
it flows into Amga Aldan forms very similar to
mouth or mouth geographic entity, which can be
reached by taking the mouth Amga for continuing
the Aldan River. It is for such a feature of the
mouth of the river the Evenks gave this name
Amga River (mouth, jaws) (p.5).
Nirigdi – the name of the mountain (Mom).
Neary – back, the suffix – “gdi” named after the
woman of Nirigdi.
Hydronym Iechenke in areas Tebyulyah
(Mom) of iechen – elbow. It is formed with the
suffix-ke denoting external quality. The river,
which has a bend in the form of an elbow.
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Somonyms in the Evenki language prevalent
in many genres of Evenki folklore.
In 1981, in the city of Yakutsk, the book
“Even Folklora” – “The Evenki Folklore” was
published. It was compiled by Zh. K. Lebedeva,
translated into the Yakut by I. E. Fedoseeva. The
publication within the folk materials containts a
number of the Evenki puzzles.
K.A. Novikova in the years 1946-1956
recorded riddles of the inhabitants of the
North-Evenks and Ola of Magadan Oblast,
and the Evenks of Sakkyryrsky district of
Yakutia. In 1959 Zh. K. Lebedeva also visited
the settlement Arka of Khabarovsk Kray, the
settlement Anavgai of the Bystrinsky district
of Kamchatka Oblast and recorded the puzzles
from P. I. Gromov (47 years), A.I. Gromov (50
years) – Arka, as well as from S. Tylkanova
(Anavgai).
The material of this study was somatic
vocabulary contained in the Evenki riddles.
• Who first walks on four legs, then on two,
then on three? (human)
Ne dyulle dygen bodelelken, tarich der,
tarich ilan? (Bay) Bodel – leg
• What time all people speak in one
language? (as a child when crying)
Ok eydu Baile omen ennelkesel? (kunaraptu
honmi) enne – language
• The unknown has two heads, two arms,
six legs and a tail. What is this? (a horse
rider)
Yak-ut dor dylattan, dor nalattan 6
bodeletten? (Bay baduddan) dyl – head, nal –
hand, bodel – leg.
• What is faster than anything else? (a
thought)
Ne niduk-te hinma? (Mergen)
• The lake is surrounded by growing forest.
What is this? (eyes)
Toneru erely mol? (Yasal) toner – a lake,
yasal – eyes
• Two bear dens on a small cape. What is
this? (Nose)
Nogdandula nakat dor huten? (Onat) onat –
ear
• On either side of a small hill there are two
bear dens, and on top of – a cedar forest.
What is this? (The ears and hair on the
head) korital – ears nyuritel – hair.
Nogdan terindulin nakat dor dunes heelen
bolgikag (Korital, nyuritel dylla). Korital – ears
nyuritel – hair
• On the edge of the gorge riders on white
horses are riding. What is this? (teeth)
• Apkitli nenedde Baile nebaty muralkasal?
(Ital) Ital – teeth
• A red fox peeking out of its hole, but never
leaves the hole. What is this? (a tongue)
Hulan hulichan dyuduky gopketten, tar Bimi
ca-ta esni novette? (enne)
• Unknown riders on white horses go
around the pit and in the middle of the pit
a machine is constantly working. What is
this? (Teeth and tongue) (um, enne) um –
tooth enne – tongue.
• There are two dwarf peasants. They have
a lifetime competition with each other
running? (legs)
Dor tobenkun Nyari Baile binivur choptere
eschimette? (Bodelel) Bodel – leg, bodelel – legs
• Twenty men – brothers have four caps.
What is this? (Fingers and toes)
Dormer beyil – akanur dygen avulkar?
(Bodelel, Nala) bodelel – legs, Nala – hands
• There are ten men living with their faces
at the back (fingers with nails)
Dygen chedemeklevur itikar (Hairal, ostal)
Hairal – fingers, ostal – nails
• Ten unknown fellows carry ice on their
backs (nails)
Myan ibdiril baile nirilatan bokes (ostal)
• The ten boys have ten pieces of ice? What
is this? (nails)
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Myan nyarikar myan bokselker? (ostal)
E.N. Bokova is a writer, folklorist who
provided us with puzzles of the Evenks of
Yakutia.
1. Not being present before your eyes pushes
you. What is this? (wind)
Eniken yasallas ichurussi yak bisni? (hunne)
yasal – eyes, yasallas – your eyes.
2. On both sides of the back of the mountain
are the same lakes. What is this? (eyes)
Urekchen nirin terinnin urechil tonerel bis,
tara khas hu ku? (Yasalal)
3. Bushes that rose around an unfrozen lake.
What is this? (Eyelashes)
These inemre toneru erel iretel hechel, tarak
yak? (Haramta) Haramta – eyelashes
4. Five brothers have separate homes. What
is this? (Fingers in a glove)
Tunnan nonul baile bekelte dyulkasal, tarak
yak? (Hairalkan bay hairalni) hairalni – his
fingers
5. Forest trees – no matter how often you chop
them, still growing. What is this? (Eyelashes)
Higi mova ichykyn-de chikimi, tachin-ta
handy bigreche. Erek yak biche bidin? (Haramta)
6. On the ledge of a mountain two holes of
which worms are peeking out (nose, two holes,
snot)
Urekchen nondandulan dor bis khan tarrochin
horelduk (haralduk) madilil gokeldevette? (Bay
onatan, hyalurmi, umaih) onat – nose; umaik –
snot.
7. Four brothers always together, the elder
brother kept separately (hand fingers, thumb)
Dygen nonur baile ereger omettu bigrechel,
omen akmur omekken bivkette, tarak yak? (nalal,
hairal, horegchen) nalal – hands, hairal – fingers,
horegchen – thumb
8. Children on their back holding ice (thumb,
index finger, middle finger, little finger)
Gedemekoevur bokesu nabgitti kunal bis
tarak yak? (horegen, unikan, dulagan, ah gerbele,
chimchen) horegen – thumb, unikan – forefinger,
dulagan – middle finger, chimchen – the little
finger.
9. First, fluffy, then black, then mottled, then
white (hair)
Dyulle haykunya, taduk yalranya, taduk
gamar-carano, amyrla nebaty (nyurit) nyurit –
hair
References
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
Bokova E.N. The Soul of the Evenk, Yakutsk, 1998.
Keymetinov V.A. Aboriginal (Even) Toponyms of Yakutia. Yakutsk, 1996. P. 186.
Krivoshapkin A.V. Nikitin R.S. Hotugu noruottar kulturalara, Yakutsk: National Publishing
House “Bichik”, 1993.
Lebedev Zh. K. The Evenki Folklore, Yakutsk, 1981.
Novikov K.A. The Evenki Folklore, Magadan, 1958, P. 120.
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Sargylana D. Vinokurova. Somatic Lexicon in Folklore and Toponyms of the Evenks
Сомативная лексика в фольклоре
и в топонимике эвенов
С.Д. Винокурова
Северо-Восточный федеральный университет
им. М.К. Аммосова
Россия 677000, Якутск, ул. Белинского, 58
В статье рассматриваются актуальные проблемы фольклора и топонимики эвенов. Автор
анализирует сомативную лекскику эвенского языка, приводит примеры сомативной лексики
эвенов в различных произведениях эвенского фольклора.
Ключевые слова: эвены, фольклор, сомативная лексика, коренные малочисленные народы
Севера, Сибири и Дальнего Востока.
Работа выполнена в рамках исследований, финансируемых Красноярским краевым фондом
поддержки научной и научно-технической деятельности, а также в рамках тематического
плана СФУ по заданию Министерства образования и науки Российской Федерации.
Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис»
Journal of Siberian Federal University. Humanities & Social Sciences 5 (2013 6) 707-712
~~~
УДК 811.512
On the Ethnonym «Even»
Grigory D. Belolyubskiy*
Topolinsk Secondary School
Tomponsky District of the Sakha Republic
Received 25.12.2012, received in revised form 10.01.2013, accepted 20.03.2013
The article describes the ethnonym of the word “Even”. It analyzes the concept of the ethnonym in the
context of classical and contemporary theories of ethnogenesis. The ethnonym “Even” is studied in the
historical dynamics typical of the Even people in the 19-21 centuries.
Keywords: ethnonym, Even, ethnogenesis, the indigenous minorities of the North, Siberia and the Far
East.
The work was fulfilled within the framework of the research financed by the Krasnoyarsk Regional
Foundation of Research and Technology Development Support and in accordance with the course
schedule of Siberian Federal University as assigned by the Ministry of Education and Science of the
Russian Federation.
The word “ethnos” in the ancient Greek
language had several meanings, including – the
people, family, group of people, foreign tribe,
pagans.
In the 19th century it was used in the meaning
of “the people”. According to a definition of the
famous German ethnologist A. Bastian the word
“ethnic” is a culturally specific appearance of the
people.
In the 20’s of the 20th century for the first
time the word “ethnos” received a scientific
definition from the Russian ethnographer
S.M. Shirokogorov: “ethnos is a group of people
speaking the same language, recognizing their
common origin, having a set of customs, way of
life preserved and hallowed by the tradition and
distinguishing it from those of other groups” (76,
p.80). In 1964, in the article “The Problem of
ethnic communities” a researcher S.A. Tokarev
*
defined the essence of people that is based on one
or more of the following social relations: common
descent, language, territory, nationality, economic
ties, cultural background, religion ( if present)”.
On this basis it should be assumed that the ethnodifferentiative core distinguishing ethnos from
the others may be the following symptoms,
such as language, values and norms, historical
memory, religion, the idea of a small motherland,
the myths of common ancestry, national character,
spiritual and material culture, folklore and art.
This definition given the emergence of a science
of ethnology and ethnographic materials and
information will expand with new concepts.
In today’s world where with the global
ethnic processes going on the cultural palette of
modern nations increases, but each of them seeks
to preserve and develop their cultural identity and
integrity.
© Siberian Federal University. All rights reserved
Corresponding author E-mail address: kafedrasev@mail.ru
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Grigory D. Belolyubskiy. On the Ethnonym «Even»
In their writings in regard to the Evens
researchers of different times touched upon such
subjects as a common historical destiny of the
people, language and partly anthropological,
economic and cultural classification. The Evens
managed to keep its main traditional (archaic)
culture – deer farming that expresses not only
the specifics of the way of life of the people, but
also their value system, environment, language,
perception of the world in myths and legends.
Reindeer culture of the Evens is a historical
versatile collection of ethnic, aesthetic, moral,
material and spiritual values and reveals the
centuries-old specifics of their life. The fact
that the deer is the core of life of the Evens is
determined by many settled components of the
ethnos culture, such as the type of economy
(reindeer), lifestyle (nomadic), language (in the
Evens language the basic part of vocabulary
consists of reindeer terminology), rituals, norms
of behavior, clothing, food, instruments of labour.
Contacting with other peoples the Evens did not
lose their ancient ethnic culture.
It should be noted that the Evens
undergone partial assimilation. In the past
centuries contacting neighboring peoples led to
the ethnic confl ict, but as a result of different
cultural contacts and exchanges of material
and cultural products of their activities
the interethnic, tolerant, complementary
relationship was established. This relationship
was contributed to by the tolerant type of
relationships characteristic of the Evens that
focuses on openness, trusting other peoples,
generosity and honesty.
Each historical period of time leaves its
mark on the culture of the Evens when they are
faced with a choice whether to save and protect
the integrity of the traditional way of life or to
accept the identity crisis.
A.V. Krivoshapkin wrote about this side of
their life in his book “The Evens”: “On the one
hand, an undoubted merit of the Soviet power was
in that it successfully ran a cultural revolution in
the North and above all gave the Evens a written
language, as well as to all previously nonliterate
peoples of the North. On the other hand, the
major omission of the Soviet government was
that it had for decades failed to take measures
to maintain and further develop the customs
and traditions of the peoples of the North, as the
foundation of their spiritual culture, and this led
to the disappearance of the generations of the
northerners from the historical arena. In this list
the Evens are no exception”.
The negative trend of the Soviet government
in the 60s-70s of the last century was the
consolidation of deer farms, as well as the
translation of the Evens to a settled lifestyle. For
a short period of time the Evens adopted a new
way of life, the families migrated to towns and
gradually began to lose their bygone traditional
culture. As a result of standardization, the Evens
could not ensure the successive development of
generations. Adaptation to new conditions of life
was very difficult. In a short period of time wellappointed modern towns were built in the areas
of compact settlement of the Evens in Yakutia.
In Abyysky District – Belaya Gora (White
Mountain), in Tomponsky District – Topolinoe
village, in Srednekolymsky District – Berezovka
village, in Allaihovsky District – Olenegorsk
village, in Momsky District – UlakhanChistay village, in Nizhekolymsky District –
Andryushkino village.
In the 50’s-60’s-70’s of the last century there
were large reindeer herds in these districts. The
same change was taking place in other regions
where the Evens lived – in Magadan Region,
Khabarovsk Territory, Kamchatka Region and
Chukotka.
In the early 90’s positive developments
occurred in the life of the indigenous peoples of
the North.
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Grigory D. Belolyubskiy. On the Ethnonym «Even»
In 1989, the founding conference of the
Evens of the Republic was held in Yakutsk.
In 1990 the founding conference of the Evens
of Kolyma and Chukotka was held in Omolon of
Magadan Region.
On March 17-18, 1992, the First All-Russian
Congress of the Evens was held in Yakutsk.
By the end of the 20th century there were
about 450,000 domestic deers in Yakutia.
a) The ethnonym “Evens”
1. The Evens are typical for nomadic deer
farming, hunting for the northern wild deer and
elk, and the fur trade. A well-known researcher
I.S. Gurvich noted that “from the TransbaikalAmur River Region the deer groups – ancestors
of the Tungus – went through the south coast
of the Sea of Okhotsk. The rich fishing lands
of the coast sharply contrasting with the usual
reindeer zone of the deciduous taiga, poor fish
and animals must have looked a promised land
to strangers. They settled there, partly pressing,
partly assimilating coastal Paleo-Asiatic groups.
The most respected archaeologist of NorthEastern Siberia A.P. Okladnikov binds wide
migration of the Tungus with the Iron Age, the
events of the 1st millennium AD. The arrival
of the Tungus to the coast and renunciation of
the settled seaside Tungus culture can also be
attributed to that time.”
The analysis of ethnographic materials shows
that researchers of Siberia, the North and modern
Far East for many centuries up until the 30’s of
the 20th century did not identified the Evens as
a separate ethnic community. So, according to
A.M. Zolotarev, on the Okhotsk coast lived the
eastern branch of the Tungus people – Lamuts
calling themselves Evens, and A.A. Burykin
believes that “the ancient homeland of the Evens
is the northern part of the Khabarovsk Territory
(present-Okhotsky and Ayano-Maysky Districts).
It is in this area where initially local and later
tribal divisions of the Evens appeared. In the 10-
12 centuries the Evens – reindeer breeders begin
to move north and open up valleys of the rivers of
Indigirka and Kolyma, through which they reach
the coast of the Arctic Ocean.”
A.V. Krivoshapkin gives the following
explanation: “In our opinion, the Evens and
Evenki, probably, formed one nation... Gradually,
under the influence of time and different
circumstances they were divided into separate
ethnoses.”
In 1742, Ya.A. Lindenau wrote that
“Lamuts… come from the deer Tungus and
call themselves Lamuts. This name originated
in a time when the deer Tungus lost all the deer
and settled on the sea that in their language
is LAM” and at the same time, the researcher
noted: “Their language is slightly different from
the language of the Tungus” (39 Lindenau). In
1750 V.L. Seroshevsky gives information on
Lamuts (67, p.212): “In the upper reaches of the
Yana River and the mountains according to his
(Yuriyev Pentecostal) statements, the “lamutki”
(Tungus) lived as they do now, and in Tastakh and
the Indigirsk peaks lived many Tungus-lamutki
that were not imposed a tribute in furs”. “About
the emergence of the Yakuts in Kolyma District
I wrote the following legend: “This land is not
ours, but lamuts’ (lomuk, Tungus-Omuk) and
there must have been a great number of them
here... a few thousands. They said that a white
seagull flying from the south to the sea over the
smoke from the fires turned black”.
Thus, the question of ethnic history of the
Evens has been covered for centuries by many
researchers, among which is the information
of the Lamuts language published by N. Vitzen
(1666-77), materials of Dr. D.G. Messerschmitt
(1719). And in the following years the expanding,
updating the concept “lamut” is reflected in
the works of S.P. Krasheninnikov (1711-1755),
V. Bering (1733-1743). In 1789, in St. Petersburg
the material collected by the Academician
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Grigory D. Belolyubskiy. On the Ethnonym «Even»
P.S. Pallas was released: “Comparative
vocabularies of all languages” where, among
other languages, the words of the “Okhotsk”
and the “Lamuts” dialects of the Evens language
are presented. It should be noted that until
recently in in the northern regions of Yakutia,
where the Evens and Yukagirs lived, the Evens
and Evenks were called “Tonus” – “Tungus”
or “Omuk” – “a person of other nationality”.
According to V.D. Lebedev, “the confusion of
Lamuts (Evens) with the Tungus (the Evenks
in the 20th century and in the fi rst quarter of
the 20th century) is explained by the similarity
of lifestyle, culture and language of the two
peoples, and also by that the Evens do have
ethnic self-defi nition and in different regions
they call themselves differently: Evens, Orochi,
Lamuts, Tungus, Kamchadals. This confusion
made it impossible to accurately determine
their number”. It is known that self-defi nition
(endoenthonym) in most cases is different from
the name that these people call other people –
neighbors (exoethnonym). Endoethnomics of the
Evens is reflected in the works V.G. Tsintsius,
K.A. Novikova, M. Antropov, A.V. Krivoshapkin
and other researchers.
The basic modern endoenthonym and
exoenthonym is the word Even – evyn, evesel
(plural). But, as noted by K.A. Novikova, the
self-definition “evyn” is pronounced by the Evens
from different areas differently: (even, yvyn, ebn,
ebyn, ybyn, eben), this applies to all the Evens
of Susumansky, Yagodninsky, Srednekansky
districts of Magadan Region, Chukotka and
Penzhinsk District of Kamchatka. The Evens of
Olsky and North-Evensky districts of Magadan
Region and the Evens of Bystrinsky District of
Kamchatka call themselves Orochi (orych – deer
from the Even word orych – oron (lit. oran) –
deer), the Evens living in the lower reaches of
the river – ilkans (ilkan – real), settled Evens of a
number of settlements of the Okhotsk coast (Ola,
Arman, Tauisk) have self-definitions evn (evne)
or mene – settled.
K.A. Novikova also distinguishes the
presence of self-definition according to the
territorial feature when the Evens of the Okhotsk
coast are called namatkans – from the word
Sea, and the Evens of Magadan Region, on the
contrary, are called donretkens – donre – land,
continent.
At the same time the Evens of Magadan
Region calling themselves “Orochi” refer to
Kamchadals or settled non-deer inhabitants of
the villages Ola, Arman, Tauisk as “mene” –
settled, living in one place, but in relation to
Kamchadals of other villages of the Okhotsk
coast, in particular the villages of Yamsk, Evensk
and others situated in the North-East of Ola they
refer as heyek. But the researcher states that
Russian borrowed “Lamut”, apparently, from the
Yakuts. In Yakut historical legends the Evens are
called lamanka or labanka – Lamsky, a resident
of the country of Lama, the coast Sea of Okhotsk
is called the Lama country in folklore. In the
Yakut Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic
the name “lamanka” is used only in relation
to the Evens of the Lamunkhinsky nasleg of
Sakkyryrsky District, the term “lamanka” –
“namanka” is undoubtedly of the same origin as
the name “namytkan” – “namutkan”. We, in turn,
believe that the Yakuts borrowed the word Lama
from the Evens – the sea, because they (Yakuts)
call the Sea of Okhotsk, its coast – Sire Lama –
the land of the sea, and also there is a famous
lake in the Oimyakon district called Labynkyr
where the Evens lived, in Evens it is called
Namynkyr – a large sea. A.V. Krivoshapkin
writes that “self-definition of the “Even” is
strongly attached by the “Evenk”. This can be
explained by the Bohai factor, i.e. the fact that the
ancient Evenks and Evens had a common name
of “Tungus” and constituted the main population
of the Tungus-Manchu state Bohai. Even and
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Grigory D. Belolyubskiy. On the Ethnonym «Even»
Evenk are the words with the same root. The
Evens of Nizhnekolymsky District (Yakutia) call
themselves “Ilkan”, ethnonym “Even” is used in
relation to representatives from the mountain,
taiga districts”.
Lwt us note that the Evens from the village
Andryushkino of Nizhnekolymsky District call
themselves “Ilkan” – real. Although according
to A.V. Krivoshapkin, Even and Evenk are
cognates, in our opinion, endoethnonym “evn”
comes from the word “evyn” evn – descent, and
the word evynki – in Even the Evenks means
“across”.
About the word “Oroch” A.A. Burykin gives
the following definition of the word “Orochi” –
a self-definition of the Evens, the word “Oroch”
means “the one who has deer” and goes either to
the Evens word “orapchi” – i.e. many-deer or to
the old word “Orachi” – from the deer.
As to the word haek, we believe that it is not
a self-definition of the Evens, they used this word
to call settled Koryaks, and Evens of Oymyakon
and Momsky districts of Yakutia use this word to
mean “invisible being”.
Endoethnonym “Ilkan” of the Evens from
Andryushkino is described by V.A. Tugolukov
as follows: “Interesting word “Ilkan” – real. The
term “ilkon bey” written by V.I. Johelsen is in
an apparent connection to it, Yukagirs between
Yana and Indigirka called themselves like that.
I.S. Gurvich, who visited the Lower Indigirka in
1952, wrote that the term “Ilkan” was referred to
the Evens – buyaksirs, delyans and kungugurs who
were considered to be from the “upper stones”,
i.e. from the upper reaches of the river. According
to an Alazeysk Yukagir A. Lapteva the term was
used to call her ancestors who were real Yukagirs
(Vaduls). Another Yukagir E.N. Kurilova said
that the ancestors of the Ilkans were the Evens –
newcomer from the West. In Evenki Ilkan is a
mark (on the ears of deer); in Yukagirs Ile is a
reindeer”.
Until the present day the Evens from
Andryushkino call themselves Ilken Bey – ilkenreal, bey-a man. We can assume that the Yukagirs
call the Evens “Ilkan” based on Yukagir Ile – deer
adding the suffix of the Even language – lken –
with the meaning of “having”, hence ilelken – deer
+ having – ilelken – ilken, which then became an
endoenthonym of the Evens.
A wealth of material about the ethnogenesis
of the Tungus is presented by V.A. Tugolukov
who based on a comparison of the existing
points of view of Ya. Lindenau, T.L. Maydel,
S. Patkhanov, A.M. Zolotarev, T.M. Makarevich
gives the following definition: “The earliest
reports of reindeer herders are dated 7-5 cc. BC
and they all tend to mean the Transbaikal people
“uvan” who clearly include the Tungus. One can
assume that being in the Transbaikalia and Amur
River region, the uvans through mutual marriages
and cultural interaction with the local natives set
a start for the ethnic formation of the Tungus –
Evenks and Evens”.
Thus, it is clear that as a self-definition the
Evens use words evyn, oroch, ilkan bey, and the
words “Evaen” and “Lamut” are commonly used
in relation to them.
References
1.
2.
Bogoraz, V.G. Materials on the Lamuts language. Tunguska collection 1. Leningrad: Publishing
House of the USSR Academy of Sciences, 1931.
Burykin, A.A. The language of the small-numbered people in its writing form: (based on the
Evens Language): (Sociolinguistic and proper linguistic aspects). Russian Academy of Sciences,
Institute of Linguistic Studies. St.P.: Pеterburgskoe Vostokovedenie, 2004.
Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис»
Grigory D. Belolyubskiy. On the Ethnonym «Even»
Об этнониме «эвен»
Г.Д. Белолюбский
Тополинская СОШ
Томпонского района Республика Саха (Якутия)
Статья посвящена этнониму слова «эвен». Рассматривается понятие этнонима в контексте
классических и современных теорий этногенеза. Этноним «эвен» исследуется в исторической
динамике, характерной для эвенского народа в XIX-XXI веках.
Ключевые слова: этноним, эвен, этногенез, коренные малочисленные народы Севера, Сибири и
Дальнего Востока.
Работа выполнена в рамках исследований, финансируемых Красноярским краевым фондом
поддержки научной и научно-технической деятельности, а также в рамках тематического
плана СФУ по заданию Министерства образования и науки Российской Федерации.
Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис»
Journal of Siberian Federal University. Humanities & Social Sciences 5 (2013 6) 713-719
~~~
УДК 9-17.094.2/8:636(571.56)
From the Historiography
of the Kamchatka Evens
Antonina G. Koerkova*
M.K. Ammosov North-Eastern Federal University in Yakutsk
58 Belinskiy Str., Yakutsk, 677980 Russia
Received 11.01.2013, received in revised form 26.03.2013, accepted 30.04.2013
The article explores existing researches on the cultural history of the Evens, who belong to smallnumbered indigenous peoples of the North, Siberia, and Far East. The author analyses all the
historiographical researches, and classifies them according to the chronology.
Keywords: Evens, historiography, small-numbered indigenous peoples of the North, Siberia, and Far
East.
The work was fulfilled within the framework of the research financed by the Krasnoyarsk Regional
Foundation of Research and Technology Development Support and in accordance with the course
schedule of Siberian Federal University as assigned by the Ministry of Education and Science of the
Russian Federation.
From the official sources, the Evens as a
nation are known as the Tungus, Evens, Orochis,
Orochel, Orochons, Lamuts. The most widely
used names are “evyn”, “evysel” which mean
“local, living here”. The self-designation of the
Evens and Ovens are widely spread among the
Evens living in Khabarovsk region, Magadan
oblast’, Chukotka Autonomous Okrug. In
Kamchatka and Bystrinsky District the Evens
call themselves “orochel”, which means, “people
of deer”.
In the Soviet and modern historyography
there are no systematic researches on the history
of Kamchatka Krai, and the history of its
settelements is not throughly described.
The existing publications cover either certain
periods and issues of the Kamchatka history or the
*
life of local peoples. The problem of the research
history and historiography of the Kamchatka
Evens is that it has not been studied well. There
are no integrated monographs dedicated to the
culture of the Kamchatka Evens.
Among the authors who were the first to
publish some information on the Kamchatka
Evens, there was a researcher of the mid 19th
century, Carl von Ditmar. As a conclusion of
his work and research that he carried out, he
wrote an academic tractate “Journeys and stay
in Kamchatka in 1851-1855”. Ditmar mentions
the Evens’ arrival in Kamchatka and the places
of their settlement; he describes their first
appearance in Petropavlovsk. However, his works
do not provide enough information on the history
and culture of the Bystrinsky Evens.
© Siberian Federal University. All rights reserved
Corresponding author E-mail address: kafedrasev@mail.ru
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Antonina G. Koerkova. From the Historiography of the Kamchatka Evens
It is also worth mentioning the Swedish
expedition to Kamchatka (1920-1922). Sten
Bergman in his book “Through Kamchatka”
describes the daily life, traditions, religions,
celebrations of the local peoples. His journal was
the first to provide some detailed information on
the Bystrinsky Evens.
As a rule, such descriptions were made by
the travellers who did not stay long in the area;
moreover, the information they provided was
mostly descriptive.
During the regional assignment of the first
years of the Soviet era a great amount of subjective
information was provided by the Circumpolar
census participants, journalists, teachers,
mission specialists of the Soviet authority bodies
appeared; however, most of these researchers
were not aware of the specificity of the lifestyle
and culture of the Even people.
The research of the Evens was interrupted by
the Great Patriotic War in 1941-1945, and within
the first post-war years no ethnographic research
was carried out, as all the effort was aimed at the
economy reconstruction.
In the year 1956, the book “Peoples of
Siberia” summarized the researches of the Even
culture; it was the first attempt to accumulate
all the information on the Evens that had been
gathered by that time1.
1960 was the year when Dolgikh B.O.2
published the results of his research; he opened
the aspects of the spiritual culture connected with
the family relations, exogamy and endogamy, and
the way it influenced the spiritual culture of the
ethnos.
In 1950-60, Gurvich I.S.3 who studied
the process of the modern ethnogenesis in the
extreme North carried out his researches.
In 1960s, Kuzakov K.G. and Orlova E.P.
studied the Bystrinsky Evens. The special
attention was paid to the period of socialism
construction, and they outline the “positive
changes that happened in the sphere of material
culture” which happened in that time. This
information provides valuable factual evidence,
as it was gathered by the authors during their
expeditions to Bystrinsky Autonomous Okrug; it
is a real intrinsic observation of the Soviet period
life, however, it is not thorough or systematic
enough.
In 1970, Ogryzko I.I.4 turned to the problem
of mutual economic influence of the local and
Russian population in Kamtchatka during the
pre-revolutionary period. His work is dedicated
to the material culture of the Kamchatka Evens.
Within the post-Soviet period in 1997, as a
result of review and summary of the conducted
research, a new collective monograph, a collection
of historical and ethnographical articles called
“History and culture of the Evens” was published.
The monograph deals with the problems of
ethnogenesis and the ethnical history of the
Evens, it describes the main peculiarities of the
material and spiritual culture of the nation, such
as their activities, instruments of labour, types
of their homes and settlements, food, clothes,
means of transport, domestic utencils, cults and
ceremonies, art, folklore. Great attention was paid
to the comparative analysis of the ethnocultural
development in the territorial subdivisions of the
Evens.
By the 70th anniversary of Bystrinsky
District a booklet called “70 years of Bystrinsky
District, Kamchatka Oblast” was issued; it briefly
described the main landmarks in the history of
the Bystrinsky people. There were publications
of some documents on the construction works
carried out during the Soviet period, but no
systematic survey was found.
The sources used in the research were
found in the State Archive of Kamchatka Krai,
in the Archive of Bystrinsky Local Ethnographic
Museum, the “Collection of Documents on the
Social and Economic Activities of Bystrinsky
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Antonina G. Koerkova. From the Historiography of the Kamchatka Evens
Municipal District from 1926 to 1972 yy” (BLEM707/1-71) from the funds of BLEM (Bystrinsky
Local Ethnographic Museum).
Back in the XVIII century, there were no
Evens in Kamchatka. There is no information
about them in the first detailed descriptions of
the indigenous population of Kamchatka, “tales”
(“skaski”) by the Pentecostalist Vladimir Atlasov,
works by the participants of the First and Second
Kamchatka Expeditions of the XVIII century, S.
Krasheninnikov, G. Steller (Shteller), or in the
messages of Lesseps, a member of F. La Pérouse
expedition. No official documents of the XVIII
century on the tribute-paying population of
Kamchatka mention the Even people. It is worth
noticing that by the XVIII century the Russian
noblemen had accumulated enough information
on the indigenous peoples of Siberia, and in their
administration practices they could distinguish
between the Lamuts and their neighbours, the
Koryaks, Yukagirs, Yakuts; so, there is no
reason to suppose that the Evens could have been
confused with another people. The Cossacks
kept their tribute payment books, where they
registered all tribute-paying population of the
territory by their nationality, but they had never
mentioned the Evens.
In the beginning of the XIX century, a
part of the Gizhiga Evens made their way to
Kamchatka5.
The Even expansion to Kamchatka was
not always peaceful; they had military conflicts
with the Koryaks who populated the North of
Kamchatka (the coasts of the Sea of Okhotsk,
Penzhinsky Krai). We can trace these conflicts
in the Even tales known amonth the Evens of
Bystrinsk and Okhotsk. The tales tell the stories
of old battles between the Orochis and Koryaks
that took place in the vast territory from Arman’
to Gizhiga. In the present time it is hard to restore
the plots of all the battles between the local
Koryaks with the foreign Orochis.
From the tales we can state the following
facts:
1. The ancestors of the modern Orochis
migrated to the North-East, getting away
from someone. It is hard to find out who
made them leave their habitual places of
settlement.
2. In the North-East the Orochi faced the
Yukagirs, with whom they had a series of
continuous battles; as a result, they had to
move further to the North-East.
3. In the East, on the coast of the Sea of
Okhotsk, the Orochis met the Koryaks
who had been living in the territory of
modern Magadan6.
So, as the researches prove, the migration
of the Evens in Kamchatka can be divided into
several stages, as shown above.
There are some disputable questions
concerning the first mentionings of the Evens
living in Kamchatka. The majority of the modern
researches say that the first mentionings were
found in the diary of C. Ditmar and refer to the
year 1852. In his diary, the Kamchatka pathfinder
Carl von Ditmar wrote: “On the 8th of March
(1852), Petropavlovsk town was visited by highly
remarkable guests: it was the first time the Lamuts
came there. Four men of this tribe came early in
the morning right to the residence of Zavoyko
to ask him where it is better to sell their take as
profitable as possible. The Lamuts are a Tungus
tribe that roams along the Western coast of the
Sea of Okhotsk, approximately between Ayan
and Izhiginsk. Due to the narrowness of their
motherland, many of them gathered with their
families, crossed Penzhinsky Krai populated by
the Koryaks and took up the vast empty territories
of Kamchatka, mostly the Sredinny Range and
the Western coast…”. The Lamuts and Evens
who came to the governor told him that they had
settled near Bolsheretsk and were very glad with
their new motherland7.
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So,
the
Petropavlovsk-Kamchatsky
administration of Kamchatka encountered them
for the first time in the year 1852, though by
that time they had been living in Kamchatka for
several years.
In this research we present an earlier date
of Evens’ appearance in Kamchatka. Patkanov
S. claimed that the first “Tungus” came to
Kamchatka in the 1830s8. The governor of
Kamchatka Rostislav Mashin reported to the
Primorsk administration on the 26th of May, 1849:
“These days some Lamuts were seen around
Tigilskaya fortress: they were 30 adult men
housed in 8 yurts who claimed that they belonged
to Gizhiginskoe Province and paid their tribute
there”9.
This way the migration of a part of the
Gizhiga Evens to Kamchatka happened before
year 1848; their first place of inhabitance was the
surroundings of Tigil. This part of the Gizhiga
Evens became the predecessor of the Bystrinsky
Evens; it is hard to find their exact initial number
now. According to Ogryzko I.I., there were
around 120 of them.
About the changes in the number and
settlement of the Kamchatka Evens in the XIX
century we can judge by the information provided
by the census that was held 50 years after. During
the 1897 year census, 462 Evens were registered:
among them there were 110 Lamuts and 352
Tungus10. The Kamchatka Evens included the
The census of the years 1926-27 that was
held in the territory of the modern Bystrinsky
municipal district registered 470 people of
both genders, who roamed in the head of the
Sopochnaya, Icha, Hayryuzovskaya rivers and
along the Kozyrevka river13. Orlova E.P. who
visited the Kamchatka Evens within those years,
found 8 people of the Delianskys and 3 people
from the Kolumskys besides the previously
registered ones. The last one consisted of
immigrants from the Kolyma, who had written
their nickname reflecting their previous place of
residence instead of their family name.
About the Tigil Evens who roamed between
the Rekinniki and Apanka rivers in the North
in the Napana and Sedanka rivers in the South
we know that in the years 1926-27 they were
71 people. “It is the Northern branch of the
Kamchatka Lamuts who lived in the mountain
ranges in the centre of peninsula”, wrote Shavrov
K. who ran the census in the territory.
“In that time, he wrote, the Lamuts of the
Sredinny range had been living as a closed group,
isolated from both biological and economic
influences from outside; only a small part of them,
having migrated to the North, assimilated with
the horde of the Koryak (Chauchu) population,
and this encounter with a stronger and healthier
people could not help reflecting on their
physiognomy. Their conscious wish to assimilate
with the Koryaks was also visible”14.
first Dolgan tribe of 119 men, 110 women and
83 women, the first Uyagan tribe of 25 men and
26 women, the second Uyagan tribe of 87 men
and some “unregistered tribes” of 6 men and 6
women. The census of the year 1909 registered
388 Evens (196 men and 192 women), including
89 men aged from 18 to 5011.
According to the family census that was
conducted among the “nomadic Lamuts” in the
year 1913, there were 85 families of 405 people
(213 men and 192 women)12.
Shavrov noted that the Evens often got
married to Koryaks, and in their household there
were many Koryak features.
Penzhino-Olyutor Evens, according to the
census of the years 1926-27, were found with the
Gizhiga Evens and it is also hard to determine
their number. The number of the Evens in the 1920
years in the territory of the modern Penzhinsky
and Olyutorsky Districts increased due to the
migration from Okhotsky and Anadyrsky
Okrugs15.
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So, since the first years of the XIX century
and till the year 1926 the residence area of the
Evens had considerably expanded; they arrived at
the partial contact with the neighbouring peoples
(Itelmens and Koryaks), and their number
increased by almost 4 times.
In the beginning of the 1920s, within
Kamchatsky provincial revolutionary committee
the subdivision for indigenous peoples was
created in order to gather authority bodies for
the small-numbered peoples of the peninsula.
Among the nomadic people of Lamuts, some
activists appeared. In the Provincial committee
Ivan Markovich Indanov was well-known for
having done a lot during the member elections
for the local councils.
On March 26, 1926, the nomad Evens for
the first time gathered for a tribal council. There
were 19 delegates with the casting vote right:
seven from Anavgaysky, seven from Lauchansky
and five from Kekuknaysky tribes.
The council was held in the yurt of Stepan
Gavrilovich Cherkanov in the ranges of the Ebev.
It was decided to unite three nomadic tribes into
one Bystrinsky Lamut ethnic district, and to
locate the ethnic district executive committee in
its residence on the Bystraya river. The district
territory was marked within the borders of
the modern administrative entities, where 469
Lamuts lived.
Konon Petrovich Banakanov was elected to
be the chairman of the ethnic district executive
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
committee, Mikhail Trifonovich Koerkov was
elected to be his deputy, and Afanasiy Gavrilovich
Adukanov was the member. Konstantin Ivanovich
Bauerman was asked to do the work of a secretary
on the temporary basis. The resolutions of the
first tribal council of the Bystrinsky Even were
approved by the Decree of Kamchatsky Okrug
Revolutionary Committee No. 19 dated August
12, 192616.
From the Deccree of Kamchatsky Okrug
Revolutionary Committee of Bystrinsky
national district dated August 12, 1926: …II
To recognize the Lamut population from the
following tribes (communities) as organized
citizens united into tribal Councils: a)
Anavgaysky with the population 182 people;
b) Lauchansky with the population 160 people,
Kekkuknaysky with the population of 117
people…”17
During the sovietization of Kamchatka
the population of Bystrinsky national district
was united into one administrative entity
called Lamut Province, which in the year
1926 was reorganized into Bystrinsky Lamut
Ethnic District; later in the year 1932 it was
renamed into Bystrinsky Evensky National
District18.
The centre of the district was marked
in the following way: “The residence of the
district executive committee is considered to
be the Bystraya (Esso) river that flows into the
Kozyrevka…”19.
Narody Sibiri [Peoples of Siberia]. Moscow, Leningrad. 1956.
Dolgikh B.O. Rodovoy i plemennoy sostav narodov Sibiri v XVII veke [Generic and tribal composition of the Siberian
peoples in the XVII century]. Moscow, 1960.
Gurvich I.S. Etnicheskaya istoriia Severo-vostoka Sibiri [Ethnic history of the Siberian North-East], Moscow, 1966.
Ogryzko I.I. Ocherki istorii sblizheniia korennogo i russkogo naseleniia Kamchatki (konets XVII-XX vv.) [Historical
sketches on the contacts between the indigenuous and Russian peoples of Kamchatka (end of XVII-XX centuries)] Leningrad, 1973, 191 p.
Tugolukov V.A. et al. Istoriia i kul’tura evenov [History and culture of the Evens], Saint-Petersburg, 1997. P. 26.
Kreynovich E.A. Iz istorii zaseleniia Okhotskogo poberezh’ia (po dannym fol’klora i evenskikh seleniy Arman’ i Ola)
[From the history of the Okhotsk Sea shore population (according to the folklore of the Even villages Arman’ and Ola)] //
Strany i narody Vostoka, Volume XX. Moscow, Nauka, 1979. P. 190-192.
Ditmar C. Poezdki i prebyvanie na Kamchatke v 1851-1855 gg. [Journeys and stay in Kamchatka in 1851-1855], Vol. 1.
Saint-Petersburg, 1910. P. 183-184.
Tugolukov V.A. et al. Istoriia i kul’tura evenov [History and culture of the Evens], Saint-Petersburg, 1997. P. 26.
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9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
Kreynovich E.A. Iz istorii zaseleniia Okhotskogo poberezh’ia (po dannym fol’klora i evenskikh seleniy Arman’ i Ola)
[From the history of the Okhotsk Sea shore population (according to the folklore of the Even villages Arman’ and Ola)] //
Strany i narody Vostoka, Volume XX. Moscow, Nauka, 1979. P. 36-37.
Tugolukov V.A. et al. Istoriia i kul’tura evenov [History and culture of the Evens], Saint-Petersburg, 1997. P. 26.
Ogryzko I.I. Ocherki istorii sblizheniia korennogo i russkogo naseleniia Kamchatki (konets XVII-XX vv.) [Historical
sketches on the contacts between the indigenuous and Russian peoples of Kamchatka (end of XVII-XX centuries)] Leningrad, 1973, P. 37.
Itogi perepisi Severnykh okrain Dal’ne-vostochnogo kraia (1926-1927 gg.) [Results of the population census in the Northern parts of the Far East region (1926-1927)], Blagoveshchensk, 1929, P. 44.
Shavrov V.O. O naselenii severnoy chasti poluostrova Kamchatki. Statisticheskiy byulleten’ Dal’nevostochnogo kraevogo
statisticheskogo upravleniia [On the population of the Northern part of Kamchatka peninsula. Statistical bulleten of the
Far East regional statistical department]. Khabarovsk-Blagoveshchensk, 1927, P. 90.
Gurvich I.S. Eveny Kamchatskoy oblasti. [Evens of Kamchatka Oblast’] Sovremennoe khoziaystvo, kul’tura i byt malykh
narodov Severa, Moscow, 1960, P. 63.
BLEM-707/1-71 Sobranie dokumentov o sotsial’no-ekonomicheskoy deiatel’nosti Bystrinskogo rayona s 1926 po 1972 gg.
[Collection of Documents on the Social and Economic Activities of Bystrinsky Municipal District from 1926 to 1972 yy”].
P. 11-13.
Letopis’ zhiznhi narodov Severo-vostoka RSFSR 1917-1985 [Chronicles of the RSFSR North-Eastern peoples, 1917-1985].
Petropavlovsk-Kamchatsky, 1986. P. 44-45.
4 BLEM-707/1-71Sobranie dokumentov o sotsial’no-ekonomicheskoy deiatel’nosti Bystrinskogo rayona s 1926 po 1972
gg. [Collection of Documents on the Social and Economic Activities of Bystrinsky Municipal District from 1926 to 1972
yy”]. P.5.
Letopis’ zhiznhi narodov Severo-vostoka RSFSR 1917-1985 [Chronicles of the RSFSR North-Eastern peoples, 1917-1985].
Petropavlovsk-Kamchatsky, 1986. P. 44-45.
References
1.
2.
3.
4.
Sobranie dokumentov o sotsial’no-ekonomicheskoy deiatel’nosti Bystrinskogo rayona
s 1926 po 1972 gg. [Collection of Documents on the Social and Economic Activities of
Bystrinsky Municipal District from 1926 to 1972 yy”]. 71 p. (BLEM-707/1-71) (Unpublished
references).
Gurvich I.S. Eveny Kamchatskoy oblasti. [Evens of Kamchatka Oblast’] Sovremennoe khoziaystvo,
kul’tura i byt malykh narodov Severa, Moscow, 1960, P. 63-91.
Gurvich I.S. Etnicheskaya istoriia Severo-vostoka Sibiri [Ethnic history of the Siberian NorthEast], Moscow, 1966.
Ditmar C. Poezdki i prebyvanie na Kamchatke v 1851-1855 gg. [Journeys and stay in Kamchatka
in 1851-1855], Volume 1. Saint-Petersburg, 1910, P. 183-184.
5.
Dolgikh B.O. Rodovoy i plemennoy sostav narodov Sibiri v XVII veke [Generic and tribal
composition of the Siberian peoples in the XVII century], Moscow 1960, 320 p.
6. Tugolukov V.A. et al. Istoriia i kul’tura evenov [History and culture of the Evens], Saint-Petersburg,
1997.
7. Itogi perepisi Severnykh okrain Dal’ne-vostochnogo kraia (1926-1927 gg.) [Results of the
population census in the Northern parts of the Far East region (1926-1927)], Blagoveshchensk,
1929.
8. Kreynovich E.A. Iz istorii zaseleniia Okhotskogo poberezh’ia (po dannym fol’klora i evenskikh
seleniy Arman’ i Ola) [From the history of the Okhotsk Sea shore population (according to the
folklore of the Even villages Arman’ and Ola)] // Strany i narody Vostoka, Volume XX. Moscow,
Nauka, 1979. 271 p.
9. Letopis’ zhiznhi narodov Severo-vostoka RSFSR 1917-1985 [Chronicles of the RSFSR NorthEastern peoples, 1917-1985]. Petropavlovsk-Kamchatsky, 1986. 200 p.
10. Narody Sibiri [Peoples of Siberia]. Moscow, Leningrad. 1956.
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11. Ogryzko I.I. Ocherki istorii sblizheniia korennogo i russkogo naseleniia Kamchatki (konets
XVII-XX vv.) [Historical sketches on the contacts between the indigenuous and Russian peoples
of Kamchatka (end of XVII-XX centuries)] Leningrad, 1973, 191 p.
12. Shavrov V.O. O naselenii severnoy chasti poluostrova Kamchatki. Statisticheskiy byulleten’
Dal’nevostochnogo kraevogo statisticheskogo upravleniia [On the population of the Northern
part of Kamchatka peninsula. Statistical bulleten of the Far East regional statistical department].
Khabarovsk-Blagoveshchensk, 1927.
Из историографии эвенов Камчатки
А.Г. Коеркова
Северо-Восточный федеральный университет
им. М.К. Аммосова
Россия 677000, Якутск, ул. Белинского, 58
В статье рассматриваются источники по истории культуры эвенов, которые принадлежат к
коренным малочисленным народам Севера, Сибири и Дальнего Востока. Автор анализирует все
существующие историграфические источники, приводит их классификацию в хронологическом
порядке.
Ключевые слова: эвены, историография, коренные малочисленные народы Севера, Сибири и
Дальнего Востока.
Работа выполнена в рамках исследований, финансируемых Красноярским краевым фондом
поддержки научной и научно-технической деятельности, а также в рамках тематического
плана СФУ по заданию Министерства образования и науки Российской Федерации.
Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис»
Journal of Siberian Federal University. Humanities & Social Sciences 5 (2013 6) 720-723
~~~
УДК 008
Folk Culture as a National Idea
of the Tyva Republic
Ailana K. Kuzhuget*
Tuvan State University
36 Lenin Str., Kyzyl, Tuva Republic, 667000 Russia
Received 29.11.2012, received in revised form 07.03.2013, accepted 26.04.2013
The article examines topical issues of folk culture of the Republic of Tuva. The author explores the
genesis of folk culture of Tuva and comes to the conclusion that the crucial significance belongs to the
development of the creative personality – a medium of folk culture. The article raises the question of
the need to strengthen educational work on the formation of a creative personality.
Keywords: Tyva Republic, folk culture, creative personality.
The work was fulfilled within the framework of the research financed by the Krasnoyarsk Regional
Foundation of Research and Technology Development Support and in accordance with the course
schedule of Siberian Federal University as assigned by the Ministry of Education and Science of the
Russian Federation.
Analysis of the traditional culture of
the various peoples, and people of Tuva in
particular, has shown that, unfortunately,
the natural process of disappearing of some
types of artistic crafts (in particular, the
production of saddles, bridles, chests, sewing
of traditional clothing and shoes) is inevitable,
and is determined by the modernization of
society and changes in household life. The first
thing to vanish is elements, which are closely
related to everyday life. More importantly –
spiritual values of people also become part of
history.
No culture can (and could before) develop
on its own. The process of interaction with
other cultures permanently goes along with the
existence of any culture since its inception.
*
The beginning 20s of XX century ceased
the process of centuries-old communication and
cultural interaction between Tuva and Mongolia,
China, and indirectly, through them, with other
Asian countries, as previously neighboring
Turkic peoples of Siberia. Meanwhile, ties
of the Tuvans with eastern neighbors were
extremely strong and long. Art historians and
culture experts of Tuva note that the influence
was reflected in all kinds of Tuvan folk art: in
music, folklore, arts and crafts, sculpture, and
in general in the mentality of the Tuvan people.
However, this problem has never been a subject
for deep scientific research.
In Soviet times, the orientation of scientific
research was directed exclusively to the study
of the influence of Russian Soviet culture on the
© Siberian Federal University. All rights reserved
Corresponding author E-mail address: hom17@mail.ru
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Tuvan culture, but even in this field the approach
was quite formal, declarative and political. How
has the Tuvan culture changed, what positive and
negative elements have emerged in there – is also
an under-researched problem.
Nowadays more topicality is gained by
the study of spiritual culture of the traditional
society, the study of its components, its potentials
associated with mentality, an attitude to nature
and people. Vitality of the spiritual culture can
be explained by its self-sufficiency, its synergy.
Performing annual rituals with reference to the
objects of nature, people achieved psychological
satisfaction, and learned to live in harmony with
the world and in harmony with themselves.
Spiritual culture of the traditional society
teaches the ability to achieve psychological
comfort in life, to enjoy simple human emotions –
love for women, children, friendship, and to live
in harmony with nature and with ourselves. It is
not necessary to replace these universal values
with material excess.
Our recent period of the last decades has
shown that blind adherence to the experience
of the developed (western) civilizations is not
always positive. Tuva has already gained similar
experience. It is well known that in terms of
economy the production impact of Western
technology has accelerated the development of
the oriental societies, but in the spiritual field
problems of the current crisis have only become
deeper, have turned into a real humanitarian
catastrophe. It is up for them to decide, no one
can help here.
Unfortunately, government officials, the
authorities and not only in Tuva ignore appeals
of scientists – anthropologists, philosophers,
literary critics, art historians. This potential of
the republic is almost not used at all. Cultural
policies are formed by formal cultural officials,
not scientists, without consultation with experts.
There is no strategy for the cultural policy; there
is no monitoring for the cultural development of
rural and urban populations. Holiday concerts
and awards at various festivals – are, according to
officials, the most important indicators of cultural
development of the republic.
Modern Tuvan society ought to realize
the importance of social and psychological
problems, ought to develop integrated programs
for overcoming the deep spiritual crisis, which,
by the way, will certainly produce an impact on
the economy of the republic. Tuva is among the
most depressed regions of Russia, not only in
economy and production, but also in the social
sphere, health care. The republic has one of the
lowest levels of life expectancy and one of the
highest proportion of the population living below
the poverty line. According to the census 2002 in
Tuva “the average life expectancy of both sexes
was 55 years (men – 49.4, women – 61.9) in rural
areas – 53.7 years (men – 48.4, for women – 60.4”
(Analytical note… 2002).
There are two forces that can help our
society to find a path out of the deep crisis: the
government in cooperation with science (and
humanities), and spiritual values of the folk
culture, only these forces can provide a powerful
impetus for the development. This way has
been used by the countries of South-East Asia,
where the state united its society, and its culture
provided important moral and psychological
support for people to survive in difficult economic
conditions. We hear lots of talk about the national
idea, and yet experience of the modernized
oriental countries has proved that this role is to
be played by the national culture itself.
We cannot isolate the national culture, but we
ought to preserve its basic values. Religion as an
important part of any culture is one of them. The
institution of Tuvan family is being destroyed,
diminishing the importance of the father as head
of the family. Customs and rules of national
etiquette, the proper attitude to older people and
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Ailana K. Kuzhuget. Folk Culture as a National Idea of the Tyva Republic
children, and traditions of education are forgotten
or stored formally, without understanding.
Wedding and funeral rituals are being modified,
excluding national ethical standards.
Culture – is not just a song, dance, and even
the ancient throat singing, but ethnic and spiritual
values. Keeping the old traditions in an old way
makes no sense, the world is changing and the
people working on the computer cannot see it the
way their ancestors did a hundred or more years
ago, but both of them: the ancestors and living
people are people of one nation, representatives of
one people. It is spiritual values that are supposed
to unite them. Otherwise, the culture is becoming
a genetically modified food product, a mutant.
Soon this process may become irreversible.
Scientists – social experts always say that the
culture is in danger in Russia in general, and in
the national republics in particular.
Special attention, at the state level, now
ought to be paid to education of the creative
personality. This requires certain education
reforms. No doubt, it is a departure from the
traditional, in particular, the Tuvan education,
requiring obedience and prohibiting standing
out, however, we ought to understand that this
is an asset, which was developed by the western
society, and this asset is to be implemented today
by representatives of other Asian cultures. At
the same time the creative personality does not
exclude the person`s awareness of his (her) moral
responsibility to the community, people, the
country, a person of high intellect and culture.
Seeking solutions to purely economic
problems is impossible without solving the
problems of spiritual development of the modern
Tuvan society. The Eastern civilization understood
that in the XIX century (e.g. in Japan for over a
hundred years in schools conducted lessons of
morality), the Western civilization is about just
now to discuss this, whereas it is high time we
thoughtfully tackled the problem. New cultural
programs ought to be developed in the Republic
of Tyva – these are effective and actually working
cultural programs, taking into account cultural
features of the mentality and national character.
References
1.
Analytica3l note “On the Results of Russian Census of 2002 in the Republic of Tuva.” – P. 24 (in
Russian).
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Народная культура как национальная идея
Республики Тыва
А.К. Кужугет
Тувинский государственный университет,
Россия 667000, Кызыл, ул. Ленина, 36
В статье рассматриваются актуальные вопросы развития народной культуры Республики
Тывы. Автор исследует генезис народной культуры Тывы и приходит к выводу о том, что
решающее значение имеет развитие творческой личности носителя народной культуры.
В статье поднимается вопрос о необходимости усиления воспитательной работы по
формированию творческой личности.
Ключевые слова: Республика Тыва, народная культура, творческая личность.
Работа выполнена в рамках исследований, финансируемых Красноярским краевым фондом
поддержки научной и научно-технической деятельности, а также в рамках тематического
плана СФУ по заданию Министерства образования и науки Российской Федерации.
Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис»
Journal of Siberian Federal University. Humanities & Social Sciences 5 (2013 6) 724-734
~~~
УДК 2 (571.52) (07)
Geopolitical and Ethnocultural Aspects
of Russian Border Area Regional Security
under the Circumstances of Socio-Cultural Transit
of Eurasian Civilization
Nikolay V. Abaev*
Tuvan State University
36 Lenin Str., Kyzyl, 667000 Russia
Received 20.11.2012, received in revised form 01.02.2013, accepted 22.03.2013
The article focuses on geopolitical and ethnocultural aspects of Russian border area regional security
under the circumstances of socio-cultural transit of Eurasian civilization. It also considers the issue of
influence of Tengrism ideology on the processes of polithogenesis of the Turkic and Mongolian peoples
and formation of statehood forms.
Keywords: religion, ideology, Tengrian religion, synergetics, process of self-organisation, selfregulation, Statehood, Empire of Hunnu, Hamag Mongol Uls.
The research is carried out with the support of the Ministry of Education and Science of the Russian
Federation, agreement 14.В37.21.0984.
The work was fulfilled within the framework of the research financed by the Krasnoyarsk Regional
Foundation of Research and Technology Development Support and in accordance with the course
schedule of Siberian Federal University as assigned by the Ministry of Education and Science of the
Russian Federation.
Many places, mountains, rivers, and lakes of
the Angara River territory are famous for their
legendary history, forming an important stratum
of the Buryats’ national and mythopoetic heritage.
These myths, legends and stories contain the
names of totem ancestors of numerous Buryat
clans and tribes. Some ethnonyms were derived
from these names.
Totem-and-genealogical
myths
about
Bukha-noion-baabai, which are widely spread
among the Buryats of the Angara River territory
and the neighbouring Tunka valley, mention the
*
origin of the “bulagat” tribal name. According to
one of the variants of this myth, Bokho-Mui, a
son of Western tengri Zaian Sagana, quarreled
with Bokho-Teli, a son of Eastern tengri
Khamkhir Bogdo, as both wished to be masters
of blacksmith’s work. Both came down to earth
(the former turned into Bukha-noion, a dark grey
bull, the latter – into marked Tarlan Eren bukh)
and started running after each other around Lake
Baikal. At last they met in Taidzhi-khan’s estate
and began butting each other, trampling down
everything around. Taidzhi-khan’s daughter sent
© Siberian Federal University. All rights reserved
Corresponding author E-mail address: hom17@mail.ru
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them away but got pregnant from Bukha-noion’s
gaze (or bellowing).
According to one version, she gave birth to
one son, according to other ones, she gave birth
to two sons. One of the sons was recognized by
Bukha-noion as his own son whom he placed in
an iron cradle on the mountain, fed and guarded.
Two shaman sisters, Asakhyn and Khosykhyn,
held a special tailagan (a shamanistic ritual with
sacrificial offering) and got that boy whom they
named “Bulagat found from under the bull”.
When Bulagat grew up, he would go to the bank
of Lake Baikal. There he got acquainted with the
boy living in the lakeside chap. The boy’s name
was “Ekhirit, the son of a marked burbot father
and a lakeside chap mother”. It was Asakhyn who
also managed to get him thanks to her cunning.
Bulagat and Ekhirit became the ancestors of the
Bulagats and the Ekhirits.
Heroic-and-epic stories, uligers (ul’ger), were
main and most popular in the system of genres of
the Buryat poetic arts. Abai Gesar heroic epos is
the most widely known and famous. It glorifies
this strong epical hero’s deeds in his fight with
mangadkhais, cruel mangyses, many-headed,
many-horned monsters. This explains why
numerous names of the Angara River territory’s
places, mountains, passes, lakes and rivers
(including the environs of Ulei village) were
connected in the Burayts’ consciousness with
a mythopoetic reflection of Abai Gesar’s heroic
deeds in the name of good and justice, in defense
of the orphaned and the oppressed.
Thus, for example, there is Tariaatyn Taban
Khushuun mountain in Ekhe-Ialga place. It can
be called “Tariaaty five-pointed mountain”, that is
“Five-pointed mountain rich in millet and wheat”.
The local residents explained that the word
“tariaaty” nominates the place where they used to
sow millet and wheat and the word “five-pointed”
refers to the episode when Gesar had a fierce fight
with a cruel mangadkhai monster, stumbled and
leaned his arm against this mountain’s top where
slight depressions, Abai Gesar’s finger prints,
appeared.
There were two sacred mountains, Ulaan
and Udagtai, on the opposite side of the valley.
The pass between them had a form of a saddle.
The local residents explained that the cavity
between the mountains is the place where Gesar’s
giant arrow split one mountain into two parts.
They mentioned that the pass is the way for them
to go to Bil’chir and farther to Bokhan. These
words make one think that the whole territory is
filled with Gesar’s heroic spirit. Gesar seemed to
have honoured it with his heroic deeds and thus
the territory became the place of a special cult, a
tengrian cult, for our ancestors. A tengrian cult is
the basic element of Tengrism, the religion based
on the adoration of the “Eternal Blue Tengeri Sky”
the main deity of all the Mongolian peoples.
In the works by many scholars (D.S. Dugarov,
S.Sh. Chagdurov, T.M. Mikhailov, D.A. Burchina,
et al.) it is mentioned that the Buryat heroic
epos (and primarily the epos about Gesar hero)
that united many peoples of Central and Inner
Asia (the Tibetans, the Tanguts, the Mongols,
the Tuvinians, etc.) became the main source of
the tengrian religion, a special religious-andphilosophic and ethic doctrine of Tengrism.
Under “the source” we mean not only a written
primary source, that is a set of sacred texts and
canonical works (as, for example, the Bible, the
Koran, the Buddhist sutras and treatise, Laozi’s
and Zhuangzi’s works) in which the doctrine’s
philosophy is presented in written form, but
mainly a specific epic form of folklore peculiar
to Tengrism.
Such a form of summarizing the religious
ideas is fully in line with a folk character and spirit
of this religion as well as its specific mythopoetic
form that contains and adequately transfers a
powerful energy of the “Heavenly” religion to the
listeners. Like Gesar epos, this religion originated
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not from some Great Teacher’s teaching. It is the
creation of the people themselves who expressed
their hopes for higher justice and happier life,
thoughts about the universe and universal
spiritual force of the Heavenly God Tengri.
In other words, Gesar epos is both the Bible
and the Koran of this purely folk religion that is
closely connected with people’s everyday life and
surrounding landscape with sacred mountains
and springs, rivers and lakes as its key elements.
That’s why Tariaaty, Ulaan, Udagtai mountains
as well as other objects of the tengrian cult are
mentioned in the works by T.M. Mikhailov,
S.P. Baldaev, D.S. Dugarov, M.N. Khangalov and
other outstanding Buryat scholars who pointed
out that many sacred mountains of the Buryats,
dwelling on the Angara River territory, are
connected with the periods of Turkic and Uigur
khaganates which were prior to the Mongolian
epoch. They were especially closely connected
with the Kurykans, ancestors of the SakhaUraankhai people (the Yakuts), and the UigurUriankh people of Trans Sayan territory.
As for the name of Udagtai mountain, it is
obviously connected with the Turkic-and-Uigur
word “ydygtyg” (“sacred”). This word functions
in the language of the descendants of the
ancient Teleuigurs from Sayano-Altai, including
the Uigur-Uriankhs from the eastern Sayan
Mountains (the Tuvinians, the Soiots, the Khakass
people, the Tofalars). At the same time the Buryat
and Mongolian “ulaan” is undoubtedly connected
with the name of ‘Chishan’, a sacred mountain of
a protomongolian tribe ukhuan’. This name also
means “red” (cf. Chesan mountain in Kizhinginsk
aimak in Buryatia). At the foot of Ulaan mountain
local Buryats from Ekhe-Ialga village, belonging
to bulagat tribes onkhotoi, ongoi and khogoi
which descended from three brothers (Onkhotoi,
Ongoi and Khogoi correspondingly), Bulagat’s
descendants, who came here from Baitog mountain
environs (the meaning of Turkic-and-Uigur “Bai-
tag” is a sacred mountain), held tailagan, the
main public tengrian prayer. This prayer is also
connected with the cult of mountains and tengris,
kind “western” heavenly deities, who were led by
Gesar, a son of Khormust-tengri, a supreme deity
of sun for Siberian Scytho-Aryans (Tuvinian
“Korbustu”, Altaic “Korbustan”, Old Aryan
“Akhura-Mazda”, a later variant of “Khormazd”
from which the name of “the People of Khor”
meaning “the People of the Sun”, “the God of the
Sun’s Children”, was derived).
Tailagan was a real great festive occasion
for the whole tribe at which they danced, shot
arrows, arranged wrestling fights, horse races,
etc. In connection with Sayano-Altai, Tele-Uigur,
Turkic and Scytho-Siberian (“Iranian-speaking”)
toponyms and ethnonyms of the Buryat Mongols,
bearing a relation to tengrian ceremonial rites,
the root base “tai” should be paid attention to. It
is obviously present in the word “tailagan” and
means the ritual of the adoration of the Heaven
(“Taiy”) on a sacred mountain as well as the
mountain itself (“tau”, “taiga”).
On the other side of Ulaan and Udagtai
sacred mountains, in the farthest, “upper”
part of the Ulei valley there is a pointed coneshaped hillock, Orgoli, that appeared from the
ground Gesar shook off from his arrowhead.
The evidence of a mythological basis of these
toponyms is found in “Buriaty” (“The Buryats”),
a fundamental collaborative work from “Peoples
and Cultures” series (Moscow, Nauka, 2004)
edited by L.L. Abaeva, Doctor of History, and
N.L. Zhukovskaia, Doctor of History. Dwelling
upon the Buryat toponymic legends and stories,
V.Sh. Gungarova and N.L. Zhukovskaia mention
in their article “The Buryat myths, legends and
stories”: “Formation of rivers, lakes, mountain
passes is connected with the name of Gesar, the
main hero of Buryat epos. For example, Onshoo
and Donshoo lakes appeared at the places where
Gesar’s horse made dints in the mountain ridge
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when he rode along the watershed between
the Ida and Osa rivers, pursuing Lobsogolda
mangadkhais. Orgoli Mountain was formed when
Gesar cleaned his arrow from the earth. All these
objects are in Irkutsk oblast” (Buriaty, 2005, p.
266).
Along with the adoration of Gesar, the
Buryats’ main cultural hero, Orgoli Mountain
was also connected with the common Mongolian
cult of sacred mountains, one of the main,
universal and key tengrian cults, which embodied
ancient cosmological, religious and mythological
beliefs about Axis Mundi (Axis of the Universe),
a sacral vertical line, piercing the whole universe
and connecting the Father-Heaven with the
Mother-Earth (Abaeva, 1992). The universal
meaning of the cult of mountains in Mongolian
Tengrism was caused by the fact that every sacred
mountain, even the smallest mountain (or even
a stone, a rock, a small pyramidal hill of stones
which were called “obo” by the Mongols and
the Trans-Baikal Buryats and “ova” by Turkicspeaking peoples of Trans-Sayan) symbolized a
Universal Mountain as a vertical cosmic centre
of the Universe, connecting all the three main and
equally significant cosmic substances – Heaven,
Earth, Man.
The sacral meaning of Orgoli Mountain and
its environs was intensified by the presence of a
sacred spring (bulag) at which “zukheli” tribal
sacrificial offerings were held. During the ritual
a sacrificial animal’s skin, head and legs were
stuck on a long birch pole with its butt fixed in
the ground. The head was decorated with manycoloured ribbons. The fir-tree’s bark was stuck
into the teeth. The head faced the sunrise side
which manifests the connection with an old Aryan
adoration of the Sun still observed in Mongolian
and Turkic Tengrism. Genghis Khan’s Mongols
considered this ritual to be so important for the
maintenance and strengthening of a genealogical
line of his “golden”, that is “regal clan” (altyn
urag) that the kinsmen whose genealogy could be
doubted were not accepted to the clan.
Like sacred mountains and springs, birch
poles with sacrificial zukheli animals served
peculiar markers of a sacral ethnic territory,
visual means of sacralization of the Mother-Earth,
the Buryats’ main shrine, closely connected with
the adoration of Khukhe Munkhe Tengri (Eternal
Blue Sky), his son, a “pure” sun deity Esege
Malaan-Tengri, the wise Father-deity and Abai
Gesar-Khubuun, a senior deity from the group of
kind, “pure” western Tengrism, born by earthly
parents as well as Genghis Khan.
The tengrian meaning can be found in zukheli
ritual as it had to support the idea of a heavenly
origin of “the golden clan” and its genealogical
ties with the old regal (khan and khagan) clans
of the Gunn-Khunnus, the Scythian Aryans
(whose tribal name is sakha), the Tokhars, the
Uigur-Uriankhs, the Turkic people of Ashin,
and the Tugius, as well as such direct Mongolian
ancestors as the Zhuzhans, the Ukhuans and the
Sian’biits.
The heroic epos of all Mongolian-speaking
“forest peoples” was directly connected with their
tengrian religion and beliefs about a preternatural
power (zada) of tengrian deities. This power is
attributed to the epos itself as well as its executor
(dzhangarchy). Thus, E.P. Bakaeva, a famous
Kalmyk researcher, analyzing religious and
mythological base of Dzhangar epos, mentions
that Khormust-tengri could strike with “a thunder
arrow”, and the White old man was responsible
for rain and it was he who was asked for rain
and generation development. Thus, Dzhangar
could be regarded as a magic means to make
it rain (Bakaeva, 1996). The author makes an
important conclusion about a religious character
of Dzhangar epos related to other kinds of heroic
stories of the Mongolian and Turkic peoples (for
example, Sakha-Yakut Olonkho): “The meaning
of both “Dzhangar” name and a series of “zada”
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type of stories of the same name in its initial
understanding, according to S.E. Maslov, is
“magic” (“white magic”). Such symbolism fully
agrees with the meaning of “janг” – faith (“White
faith” of the Sayan and Altai peoples, Ak janг, Ak
Chaian, also called “burkhanism”). It is Dzhangar
epos that is an esoteric heritage of the old faith
preserved in the form of the heroic stories” (Ibid.,
p. 26).
It is especially important to emphasize
that the Altai people’s and the Khakass people’s
“White faith”, which is ethno-genetically
connected with “the Aryan religion” (the word
for word translation of the phrase is “white faith”)
and is a more ancient variant of the latter in
ethno-confessional regard, is also a more ancient
variant of Mongolian Tengrism or, at least, its
religious and philosophic, metaphysical basis.
B.S. Dugarov in his report at the Congress of the
researchers of the Mongols in Ulan-Bator in 2004
explained it by the “influence of Iran” that seems
to be absolute nonsense (as Iran is far away from
Sayano-Altai). Later on, under the influence of
critical remarks he modified his point of view,
having added “the influence” of Manichaeism
and Buddhism (unfortunately, he doesn’t take
into consideration that the Sayano-Altai people
had their own religion – Ak Chaian, also known
as “burkhanism”) (Dugarov, 2010). Without
knowing about the existing name of this ethnoconfessional tradition of the Sayano-Altai people,
which adequately represents its main point
and nature, D.S. Dugarov called it “the White
shamanism” and thus integrated two religions,
incompatible in their religious meaning and
belonging to totally different ethnic populations
(shamanism of the Tungus people and tengrian
“White faith” of the Turkic and Mongolian
people), in one name (Abaev, 2004).
According to this logic, Tibetan religion Bon
should be also named “shamanism” in spite of the
fact that there is no such a word in Tibetan ethno-
cultural tradition at all as the word “shaman”
is peculiar to the Tungus and Manchurian
pronunciation and in the Even language it means
“ridden (by the spirit)”, “frantic”, “reckless”, etc.
The Buryat and Mongolian term “boo” designates
a priest of this variant of Turkic and Mongolian
Tengrism (that is “a minister” of the tengrian
cult) and originates in Turkic and Uigur bek//
beg//bal that mean “a commander”, “a military
leader”, “a strong man” (from “baga” + “tur”;
cf. Slavic “buitur”) or, perhaps, in the SakhaUrankhai “bogj”, connected, in its turn, with
Uigur “bogo”//“boku” that means a three-headed
dragon, the main soldierly deity of ancient esoteric
unions of the Turkic and Mongolian people. The
dragon’s name “Azhi-Dakhaka” is etymologically
connected with the Universal dragon (Mongolian
Abarga-Moge, Tuvinian Amarga-Chylan). That is
why the toponym “Bokhan” can’t be understood
as “the capital of shaman people” as it is thought
in folk etymology or in the interpretations of
the scholars who ignore a tengrian character of
the national state religion of the Uigur-Uriankhs
and the Kurykans (Chinese Guligan’ which
became particularly apparent in the cult of the
Heavenly Dragon, revered especially by the
members of secret military unions that subdued
the local Tungus people (Buryat and Mongolian
khamnigans) in the period of Kurykan khaganate
formation (VI century)).
It’s obvious that subdued khamnigans couldn’t
dictate the Turkic-speaking Uigur-Uriankhs the
name of their own ethno-confessional tradition
(“shamanism”) though there was no continuity of
ethno-cultural traditions among the Uigurs and
the Mongols at all. The most important terms of
ethno-confessional tradition and religious culture
in whole are not the exceptions. As a result, due
to the fact that the aboriginal population started
speaking the Mongolian language many Turkic
and Uigur terms penetrated into the language
of the Buryat Mongols (starting from the XII
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century). Thus, Scythian and Aryan AzhiDakhaka, who was at first a god of war in secret
religious societies of the Turkic Uigurs, later
became a Buryat soldierly deity Azhirai-Bukhe
(the Yakut Azyren’), having naturally preserved
his initial “asuric”, that is angry, severe, fierce,
soldierly nature of ancient Aryan and tengrian
deities. This continuity also manifested itself in
the following fact: when Genghis Khan became
the Great Khan he was declared “a terrible deity
of Khazhir”. This emphasized his heavenly
charisma and peculiar magic power once again.
This Tengrian and Aryan title as well as the
status of the Son of the Heaven focused on his
special “heavenly” status and ‘heavenly” origin
as well as the origin of the clan from which
Genghis Khan descended from although he, as
well as Gesar, was born by earthly parents who
had special magic ties with Eternal Blue Sky.
It is interesting to note that in the morning of
the first day of Tsagaan Sar holiday the modern
Uriankhs of Mongolian Altai say the following:
“…irsheezh khairla, Monkh Tenger Dobun
min’ // Monzhkhin Alun-Goo min’ //Idee undaa
zooglogtun //Tsoid khairkhan”. The custom of
the Altai Mongolian Uriankhs to “cry at the sky”
during a thunderstorm is also the evidence of
particularly close relationship ties of the Uriankhs
with Khalkha-Mongolians (via Dobun-Mergana
and Alan-Goa, their common ancestors) as well
as of their particularly intimate relations with
the Heaven itself (also via their half-mythical
ancestors). This custom is also registered by
Rashid ad-Din. In his “Chronicles” he dwells
upon “the forest Uriankats” of Eastern Tuva, that
is the Tuvinian Todzhints.
A genealogical legend about Alan-Goa,
the Mother-progenitress, served the same aim
to provide evidence that all the Mongols (the
Khamag Mongols), including the Buryats, had
peculiar ties with the Eternal Blue Sky and its
charismatic power (khushen, khusen) which
confers heavenly charisma on the members of
this clan (bordzhigin). Many researchers consider
a famous episode from “The Secret History of the
Mongols” to be a reflection of real historic events
of the mid of the IX century – the beginning of
the X century. The episode is about the marriage
of Dobun-mergen whose name is connected
with the ethnonyms Toba and Toba-Wei dynasty,
ruling in Northern China (the years of 386-538)
and regarded to be a successor dynasty of Xianbei
Empire. The name of Alan-Goa (the Tuvinian
Alan-Khoo, the Yakut Alan-Kuo) is also used in
“shaman” (tengrian, to be more exact) cryings
of our Osin and Bokhan Buryats published by
T.M. Mikhailov under the title “Khukhe Munkhe
Tengeri” (Ulan-Ude, 1996).
According to the Mongolian traditional
genealogy, the genealogy of Genghis Khan’s
“golden clan” right up to his great grandfather
Kabul Khan, the period of the transition to
a patrilineal system of kinship, counted off
from Alan-Goa, that is via a female branch of
kinship. As for a male branch of kinship, it is
of a purely mythical nature. It is fictitious per
se as Bodonchar, Genghis Khan’s ancestor, was
born via immaculate conception from AlanGoa’s “pure loins” after the death of her lawful
husband Dobun-Mergen (he is considered to be
the Mongols’ and the Uriankhais’ forefather).
Bodonchar was born from “the Yellow Dog”,
entering Alan-Goa’s jurt in the form of a sun
ray through a flue. Maalikh Baiaudaets, AlanGoa’s Uriankhai servant who later became her
cohabitant, is considered his real father.
This story about Bodonchar (“Bodonshar
Munkhag” according to L. Dashniam), included
in “The Secret History of the Mongols”, is
believed to be quite dark and mysterious.
Together with the mythologem of Alan-Goa
and her “immaculate conception”, explaining
a genealogical conception of a “heavenly”, that
is divine origin of Bordzhigin, Genghis Khan’s
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“khan clan”, leaves its imprint of a religious
“esoterism” on this sacral text. The title itself
(“The Secret History of the Mongols”) helps to
understand the essence of the esoteric mystery,
some “secret” of Alan-Goa’s mythologem and of
other mythopoetic images, closely interwoven
with a real history (Bodonchar’s image in
particular), to a greater extent.
In connection with this, L. Dashniam refers
to “The Secret History of the Mongols” and writes:
“…Bodonshar Monkhag was the youngest of the
three brothers born by Alan-Goa after Dobun
Mergen’s death. Alankhoo said: “…Every night,
when the Moon shone a fair-haired man used to
enter the jurt through the flue, he petted my womb
and his light penetrated into it”; “these sons are
hallmarked with a heavenly origin” (“The Secret
History of the Mongols”, paragraph 21).
Bel’gunotai and Bugunotai, Dobun
Mergen’s sons, commented this: “The only
man in the house is Maalikh Baiaudaets. He
has got three sons and this is what should
be given by a man” (Ibid., paragraph 18).
Referring to this, L. Dashnian mentions that
“there is probably a necessity to specify
whether Bodonshar is a human of a heavenly
origin or a Baiaudaets’s son. At the same time
a historically incontrovertible fact testifies
that Bodonshar is a Bordzhigin generation’s
forefather” (Dashniam, 2012, p. 3).
“The Secret History of the Mongols” runs
that some Uriankhai met Dobun Mergen in the
forest and gave him a deer’s meat. Later, on his
way Dobun Mergen met a poor man who was
accompanied by a little son. The man asked to
share a part of the game with him and after he
was given a half of a deer he gave a boy to Dobun
Mergen. The latter took the boy with him. Since
then the boy lived in Dobun Mergen’s house.
The boy’s father introduced himself to Dobun
Mergen as Malikhei Baivugai (refer to Prof.
Dashniam’s article “Nekotorye dopolneniia k
istorii Bodonchara Monkhaga” [Some additions
to Bodonchar Monkhag’s history]1).
In L. Dashniam’s point of view this is rather
a “dark” history giving evidence of Bodonchar’s
unusual origin. Moreover, the relatives of
Bordzhigin clan’s historic forefather said that he
was a kind of insane, doltish and stupid and that
he always kept silent when a guest. According
to L. Dashniam, it is what gives evidence of his
“heavenly” origin, his selectness as a forefather
of the “heavenly” clan of Genghis Khan who
became a Great Son of the Heaven according to
the tengrian tradition of selectness (Ibid.).
In his another article Prof. Dashniam
focuses upon the Mongols’ ideas connected
with a “divine origin of the adoration of the
heaven” and writes: “Ascribing a heavenly origin
to themselves, the Mongols define a human’s
heavenly nature. Thus, the Mongols associate
their fate with the Heaven-tenger. The brightest
example of this is the definition of the concept
“heavenly” containing the following idea: “We
are the children of not only an earthly whirl of
events but of a cosmic one as well…” (Dashniam,
2011, p. 148). Speaking about Sayano-Altai
origin of the Mongolian Tengrism, academician
Sh. Bira mentioned in 1986: “Undoubtedly, the
adoration of the heaven … was firstly peculiar
among earlier representatives of the Altai peoples
of Central Asia. Thus, the Khunnus, at least, who
represented the western, Khunnu-Altai branch
that was one of the main two branches the ancient
community of the Altai peoples broke up into at
the period between X and V centuries A.C. (as
for the other branch, the Tungus and Manchurian
tribes belonged to it), worshiped the Heaven and
the Earth long before Christian Era. As for the
Khunnus (or the Gunns), who turned out to be in
Eastern Europe in the IV century already, kept
on being faithful to their religion with its cult of
the Heaven. It’s quite possible that, according to
its origin, this cult of the ancient great Bulgarians
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(the Tangras) is closer to an old Khunnu-Altai
variant of the cult than to its later variants and to
a Turkic one, in particular” (Bira, 2011, p. 6).
Dwelling upon the Mongolian theonyms
which turned into ethnonyms and toponyms, it
should be noted that “Alan-Goa-Bodonchar”
mythologem sort of divided all the subsequent
generations of the Mongols into the Niruns (from
nuruu, meaning ‘a ridge’) born from Alan-Goa’s
pure, immaculate loins and called “ridge ones” due
to the fact that they dwelt in mountain and taiga
places (Sayano-Altai, Mongolian Altai, Gornaya
(Mountain) Buryatia, that is the Eastern Sayan)
and the Darlekins (from darkhan, meaning ‘a
blacksmith’) mainly dwelling in the steppe zone.
By all appearances the “ridge” Mongols were
meant to be the ancestors of the Buryats from the
Mangut clan including the Osinsk-Bokhan family
clan of the Makhutovs. The clan itself goes back
to Khoildar-sechen, Genghis Khan’s nearest
companion-in-arms, kinsman and sworn brother
(anda) who was considered to be a forefather of
the legendary Manguts and Uruts, shock troops
of his army. As for the name of the Mangut tribe
(Chinese “mengu”) that appeared in Chinese
sources of the VIII century, describing the events
of the VI-VII centuries, it must have been an
ethnonymic base for the “Mongol” name.
There are interesting pieces of information
of the Tang epoch about the Bokhan toponym and
the tribes dwelling here in V-VI centuries. This
makes it possible to specify the ethymology of
some toponyms and ethnonyms of the Buryats of
the Angara River territory. Thus, in the works,
focused on studying the Buryats, “Bokhan” is
interpreted as “the head of shamen”, “the khan
of shamen” (from “Boo-khan” or “bookhen”).
However, “Boma possession” is met in Chinese
sources. It is derived from “boma”, “boom”
which mean ‘a gorge’, a high cliff blocking up
a passage or a narrow valley in the mountains,
etc. The latter seems to be a more preferable
variant from the point of view of general Siberian
toponymy (the Even ‘bom’ means ‘a gorge’,
there is a low mountain ‘Boma’ on the way from
Kyzyl to Shagonar). I was first told about “Boma
possession” in Chinese chronicles of the VI
century by G.B. Dagdanov, a famous Sinologist,
born in that place (Kutanka village). As I found
out later, “Boma” is translated as “Marked Horse”
that corresponds to the horses’ colour rather
popular for the Osinsko-Bokhansk Buryats in
ancient times (cf. the ethnonym alagui, meaning
‘a horseman, riding marked horses’). The “Boma
possession” name is connected with the GunnoBulgarian tribe of the Basmils (“bas”//”bash”
(“a head”) + “milige”, “bilige”, “bulagat”). In
such a case the ethnonym “bulagat” should be
associated not with “bulagan” (sable) but with
the Turkic and Uigur “bulan” (elk), that is more
logical from linguistic and totemic points of
view, as well as with the Scythian and Aryan
tribal name of “sak” (deer, maral, elk) from which
the ethnonyms “sagai” (the Khakass language),
“sakha” (the Yakut language), “saaia”, “sak’ia”,
etc. were derived.
Rashid ad-Din in his collected chronicles
gives very interesting information about the
peoples dwelling on the Angara River territory.
He reckons how Tolui’s wife, whose name is
Sorgoktani according to Persian and Arab sources
that is considered to be wrong as the right name is
Sakhatan, meaning “a beautiful Yakut girl”, sent
a special expedition under the command of “three
emirs” to the Angara basin. This episode from
Sakhatan’s biography is described in the “Tartar
tribe” part in which Rashid mentions: “when the
tribes of the Tartars, the Durbans (the four Oirat
tribes, probably), the Saldzhiuts (cf. Tuvinian
salchaki and sel’dzhuli) and the Katakins united,
they all dwelt in the rivers’ lower reaches”.
Further on Rashid clarifies that the Angara’s
left-bank tributaries are meant here. The bestknown tributary among them is the Irkut river at
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which the Irgits (the Uriankhai tribe mentioned by
Herodotus under the name of “the Irkis”) dwelt:
“At the place of these rivers’ junction the river
Ankara-muren is formed. This river is extremely
large: more than one Mongolian tribe, usutumankhun, dwells here. At present the border of
the tribe’s settlement adjoins (the place’s name
is omitted). That river (the Angara) is near to
Kikasi city at the point where this river and the
river Kem flow together. That city belongs to the
Kirghiz people’s area. They state that this river
(the Angara) flows into one area near which there
is a sea. Silver is everywhere there. The area’s
names are Alafkhim, Adutan, Mankhu and
Balaurnan. They say that their (those peoples’)
horses were all skewbald (ala); every horse was
as strong as a four-year-old camel (alagui); all
the tools and dishes (of the population) are made
from silver. There are many birds in that country.
Sorkutani-begi sent a ship with three emirs and
a thousand of people. They brought much silver
ashore (from the depth of the country) but failed
to put it on board a ship. More than 300 persons
from that army didn’t come back. The rest died of
the rottenness of the air and damp evaporation.
All three emirs came back safely and lived long
after” (“Collected chronicles”, p. 102).
According to Rashid ad-Din, “Mangud”
2
tribe , descendants of a great grandfather
Temuchin of the eighth generation of Mann
Todon, came from Nachin Baatur, his seventh
son, Mankhu by name. Mankhu’s grandson of
the seventh generation was Khoildar-Sechen.
The record of this episode about Sakhatan’s
expedition of “Usutu-Mangun Mongolian tribe”
was especially interesting for me. The same three
Manguts are spoken about but the matter is that
our Mangut tribe has always been living in the
valley of the Osa river, another left-bank tributary
of the Angara. Thus, they are “usutu Manguts”
(as Osa is “us” that means “water”). My great
grandfather Makhut was born not far from Osa
village located at the river Osa’s bank. This place
has become the centre of Osinsky aimak of UstOrdynsk national okrug (area/district) of Irkutsk
oblast (region).
Thus, this episode from Sakhatan’s
biography helps to clarify quite a disputable
matter of “su-mongoloas” (“water Mongols”) who
should be referred to the Tungus Manchurians
dwelling at the river “Mangu” (or Argun’). The
Chinese reckoned them among “Dunkhu” group
(eastern barbarians). In fact, this term means “a
Tungus” that corresponds to the Buryat “Tunka”
that is “Tunka aimak” located in the Eastern
Sayan. It adjoins the Okinsky aimak where the
todzhinsk tribe Ak used to dwell (now it is the
place where “soiots” (that is “soyans”) live)
and the Zakamensky aimak where the Buryat
khamnigans, that is the Tungus people live. One
more clan of the Tungus origin is Dongakis, the
Turkic-speaking Tuvinian people. Their name is
clearly connected with the ethnographic concept
“Dunkhu”. This clan was a part of the Kereits’
tribal union. After their defeat it was scattered
among other “indigenous” Mongols. This is
how the Dunkhus, whose main population was
constituted by the tribes of Tungus Manchurian
origin, defeated by Bator-Tenrikut (the Mongolian
Modun’), the first Khunnus’ emperor, the ruler
of the first Tengrian empire, were assimilated
by Genghis Khan’s Mongols who actually
continued the policy of the first Tenrikut, that is
the Heavenly Son’s emperor what Genghis Khan
really became.
As for “skewbald horses” mentioned in
connection with “Boma possession”, it should be
added here that it was this colour of the horses
that was widely spread among the horses of the
Tokuz-Oguzes, the ancestors of the northern
Tele-Uigurs, their kinsmen Baiyrkhuu (Barguts)
as well as the Khondogors and the Kurykans, the
Sakha-Uriankhais’ and the Tannu- Uriankhais’
ancestors. Thus, in Tang chronicles they
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mentioned that “the baiirky horses were similar to
kurykan horses as the most part of grey coloured
horses had black spots like the leopards’ ones”
(Maliavkin, 1989, p. 139).
Thus, the stated above has made it possible
to conclude that the so-called “western Buryats”
dwelling on Lake Baikal and Gornaya Buryatia
(Tunkinsky, Okinsky, Zakamensky aimaks)
territories are successors of all previous Turkic
khaganates, the United Uigur khaganate (VIII
century), and the northern Khunnus. At the
1
2
same time they are successors of the Mongol
Empire (Khanag Mongol Uls). The north-western
Buryats’ spiritual and cultural as well as ethnoconfessional traditions have been keeping the
religious beliefs and cults of not only Siberian
Scythian Aryans (Aryan religion) (the adoration
of Khomust-Tengri, in particular) but also the
religious traditions of “White Faith” characteristic
to the Turkic-speaking peoples of Sayano-Altai,
especially the Tele-Uigurs, the Uriankhais and
the Tumats.
I am very much thankful to academician L. Dashniam for the manuscript of this article about Bodonchar. It helped me to
clarify many unclear things in “The Secret History of the Mongols” and other Mongolian texts.
T.D. Skrynnikova mentions the tribal name Mankhud among the manes of the heads of the clans in connection with
Genghis Khan’s genealogy (cf. “Nukers are elite of Genghis Khan’s Mongolian ulus” in: Genghis Khan i sud’by narodov
Evrazii [Genghis Khan and Eurasia peoples’ fates – 2]. Ulan-Ude, 2007. P. 32).
References
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
Abaev, N.V. (2009). Nekotorye mirovozzrencheskie i dukhovno-kul’turnye faktory organizatsii i
somoorganizatsii “kochevoi” tsivilizatsii [Some world-view and spiritual-and-cultural factors of
organization and self-organization of “nomadic” civilization]. Bulletin of Tuvan state university.
Humanities and Social Sciences,1.
Abaev, N.V., Fel’dman V.R. Etnokonfessial’nye traditsii i ekologicheskaia kul’tura narodov
Tsentral’noi Azii i Altai-Baikal’skogo regiona [Ethno-confessional traditions and ecological
culture of the peoples of Central Asia and Altai-and-Baikal region]. Kyzyl, Tuvan State University
Publishing, 2007.
Abaev, N.V., Fel’dman V.R., Arakchaa L.K. Ekologicheskaia kul’tura narodov Tsentral’noi Azii i
Altai-Baikal’skogo regiona v kontekste paleantropologicheskikh issledovanii [Ecological culture
of the peoples of Central Asia and Altai-and-Baikal region in the context of palaeoanthropological
research]. Kyzyl, Tuvan State University Publishing, 2005.
Abaeva, L.L. Religioznaia kul’tura mongol’skikh narodov v prostranstve i vremeni [The Mongolian
peoples’ religious culture in space and time]. Olon Ulsyn Mongol Sudlalyn 10-r Khural. 1 bot
[The 10-th International Congress of Mongol Studies.Vol.1], Ulaanbaatar, 2013.
Jeleznyakov A.S. Globaliziruyushiysya peace and Mongolia / / Transnational Processes: XXI vek.
M.: Modern Economics and Law, 2004.
Fel’dman, V.R. Tsivilizatsiia: Sotsial’no-filosofskie teorii, sushchnost’, istoricheskie formy
[Civilization: Socio-philosophic theories, essence, historic forms]. Kyzyl, Tuvan State University
Publishing, 2002.
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Nikolay V. Abaev. Geopolitical and Ethnocultural Aspects of Russian Border Area Regional Security…
Геополитические и этнокультурные аспекты
региональной безопасности российского приграничья
в условиях социокультурного транзита
евразийской цивилизации
Н.В. Абаев
Тувинский государственный университет,
Россия 667000, Кызыл, ул. Ленина, 36
В статье рассматриваются геополитические и этнокультурные аспекты региональной
безопасности российского приграничья в условиях социокультурного транзита евразийской
цивилизации, а также проблемы влияния идеологии «тэнгризма» на процессы политогенеза
тюрко-монгольских народов и на становление форм государственности.
Ключевые слова: религия, идеология, тэнгрианская религия, синергетика, процесс социальной
самоорганизации, самоорганизация, государственность, Империя Хунну, Хамаг Монгол Улс.
Исследование выполнено при поддержке Министерства образования и науки Российской
Федерации, соглашение 14.В37.21.0984.
Работа выполнена в рамках исследований, финансируемых Красноярским краевым фондом
поддержки научной и научно-технической деятельности, а также в рамках тематического
плана СФУ по заданию Министерства образования и науки Российской Федерации.
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Journal of Siberian Federal University. Humanities & Social Sciences 5 (2013 6) 735-741
~~~
УДК 81’255.2
Lexical Gaps of Kinship
in the Yakut Heroic Epic Olonkho:
Problems of Translation
Alina A. Nakhodkina*
M.K. Ammosov North-Eastern Federal University in Yakutsk
58 Belinskiy Str., Yakutsk, 677980 Russia
Received 09.01.2013, received in revised form 12.02.2013, accepted 10.04.2013
The problem of translating culturally related phenomena necessitates the description of their origins
and development. To this end one should refer to such notions as linguistic worldview and linguistic
universals because they play a vital role in the development of culture-specific vocabulary, including
lexical gaps in a given language.
Keywords: lexical gaps, Yakut heroic epic Olonkho, linguistic worldview, linguistic universals, culturespecific vocabulary, kinship.
The work was fulfilled within the framework of the research financed by the Krasnoyarsk Regional
Foundation of Research and Technology Development Support and in accordance with the course
schedule of Siberian Federal University as assigned by the Ministry of Education and Science of the
Russian Federation.
1. Introduction
The problem of translating culturally related
phenomena necessitates the description of their
origins and development. To this end one should
refer to such notions as linguistic worldview and
linguistic universals because they play a vital role
in the development of culture-specific vocabulary,
including lexical gaps in a given language.
In recent decades, national and specific
(i.e. distinct) elements in the lexical systems of
languages and cultures have been described by
foreign and domestic researchers from different
points of view with the help of various terms:
gap (J.P. Vinay, J. Darbelnet, К. Hale), lacuna
(V.L. Muraviev), anti-words, gaps, lacunas
*
or blind-spots on the semantic map of the
language (Yu.S. Stepanov), the examples of
nontransferable character (G.V. Chernov), words
with no equivalents, lexical zero, zero lexeme
(I.A. Sternin), culture-specific or background
vocabulary (L.S. Barkhudarov, E.M. Vereshchagin,
V.G. Kostomarov), the unclarities in the texts of
one language,realized by the speakers of this
language at a farther stage of its development
[Budagov], random holes in patterns [Scherba],
random lacunas (L.S. Barkhudarov), burrs that
“ride up” during intercultural communication
[G. Gachev]. Canadian linguists J.P. Vinay and
J. Darbelnet introduced the scientific term of
lacuna and explained it as follows: “it is a gap
© Siberian Federal University. All rights reserved
Corresponding author E-mail address: aan-2010@yandex.ru
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where there is no direct equivalent in the target
language” [cited by Bykova].
Regardless of types, lexical gaps can be
characterized by the obscurity, exoticism and
foreignism of lexical items and their associated
concepts found in the source language (L1) that do
not have immediate equivalents for the recipient
of a target language (L2).
A native system of concepts – a basis for a
linguistic worldview – involves either concepts
having nominative forms of expression (i.e.
linguistically [lexically] expressible) or the
ones not expressed by a native language (i.e.
linguistically inexpressible) (Popova, 1998, 21).
That being said, concepts unexpressed lexically
actively participate quite as much as lexicalized
concepts in the collective cognition of an ethnic
group. Moreover, words without analogues in
comparable languages – i.e. lexical gaps – are
cognitively inaccessible phenomena to an L1
speaker. In other words they are not consciously
noticeable and therefore unrecognizable in the
case of monolingual communication. Therefore,
to uncover lexical gaps in L1, a “mirror language”,
L2, is needed and vice versa. This relationship
can be symbolically represented as:
GAP {L1 ⇄ L2} → Lexical unit L1 / L2*
Furthermore, the description of a lexical gap
in L1 is L-2 dependent – i.e. its properties are
directly dependent on the properties of the mirror
language. Also, as the double arrows in the above
formula indicate, the relation between L1 and
L2 is bidirectional, and the question of which
language is L1 or L2 depends on the language
under investigation. For example, the Yakut
→English relationship uncovers lexical gaps in
Yakut language on the basis of English, and the
Yakut ← English relationship uncovers lexical
gaps in the English language on the basis of the
Yakut language. In this paper several lexical gaps
of the Yakut → English relationship type are
presented and analyzed.
2. Analysis
Songs 5 and 6 of the Yakut heroic epic
Olonkho “Nurgun Botur the Swift” by the
prominent Yakut writer Platon Oyunskyi
(Oyunskyi et al., 1960) were used as experimental
material. For English data the translated, but as
yet unpublished versions of the texts were used.
The English translation (Oyunskyi et al., 2011)
was made at the Department of Translation
of the M.K. Ammosov North-Eastern Federal
University.
Many Yakut turcologists feel suspicious of
the quality of the English translation of Yakut
because they believe that it is impossible to
convey all the richness and depth of the Yakut
language into another language, especially
an unrelated one. In response to this view, it
is appropriate to cite the words of the great
Russian-American linguist Roman Jakobson:
“All cognitive experience and its classification is
conveyable in any existing language. Whenever
there is deficiency, terminology may be qualified
and amplified by loan words and loan translations,
neologisms or semantic shifts, and finally, by
circumlocutions” [R. Jacobson, 140].
The main reason for the choice of the
experimental material was the fact that the Yakut
language as used in Olonkho is artistically rich
and colourful. As such, it was assumed that it
would contain a large number of lexical gaps, as
it would be highly unlikely that it would easily
be transformed into an equivalent form in the
English language.
The comparison of semantically similar
lexical units from two different language
systems helps to reveal if they are directly
mutually translatable. If not, then it is reasonable
to hypothesize a lexical gap as the source of
the difference. In comparison with the Yakut
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language the following lexical gaps in English
were identified.
• мэҥий – быстро бежать, мчаться,
нестись – to run quickly;
• сэгэт – приоткрывать – to open
slightly;
• бэрдимсий – кичиться, бахвалиться,
зазнаться, задаваться – to pretend to be
better than you actually are;
• харалдьык – проталина – thawed
patch;
• эдьиий – старшая сестра – elder sister.
Russian scholars provide many detailed
classifications of linguistic gaps (I.Yu. Markovina,
Yu.A. Sorokin, et al.). Lexical gaps discovered in
Olonkho were classified using the part-of-speech
principle – classifying individual instances of
lexical gaps on the basis of their membership to a
particular part-of-speech. Here, the focus was on
noun-gaps and verb-gaps.
Like any natural language, both the Yakut
and English language exhibit both universal and
specific ways of organizing and labeling the
world. Language-specific meanings represent
a system of concepts reflective of a cultural
group’s collective cognition that obligatorily
“imposes” itself on its speakers. Perception
and interpretation of reality, peculiar to some
language, is partly universal and partly nationally
specific. Therefore, at the cognitive level there is
a close link between a language and its speakers’
thinking, such that the structure of a language
and its semantic system correspondingly interact
with the structure of thinking and the mind’s
perceptual system.
Noun-gaps found in Olonkho can be divided
into five subgroups: 1) nouns connected with the
main practice of the Sakha people – i.e. cattlebreeding; 2) nouns describing social and kin
relations; 3) nouns describing nature, environment
and life; 4) nouns describing parts of the body;
and 5) nouns describing time and space.
In this paper the second subgroup of noungaps was analyzed. This subgroup, kinship
noun-gaps, has both culture-free (i.e. universal)
and culture-specific elements. Therefore,
there should be both overlaps and divergences
in lexical units from the Yakut and English
languages that belong to this subcategory of
lexical gaps. That is, certain kinds of hierarchy
of social and kin relations should be the same,
and others, for various reasons – different.
In the latter case certain lexical items of one
language would be impossible to directly
translate into another. Figure 1 presents 10
lexical units compared across three languages –
Yakut, Russian and English. Note there are no
words “mother” and “father” because they were
not found in the experimental material. These
words, however, are not lexical gaps as there are
direct equivalents between the two languages
under the study.
Figure 1 shows that the comparison of the
Yakut and English lexical units denoting kinship
uncovers lexical gaps in describing elder and
younger relatives, father’s and mother’s relatives
in the English language. According to the
Dictionary of the Yakut language by Edward K.
Pekarskyi, the word “аҕас” means “1) elder
sister; аҕаһым – my elder sister; 2) father’s elder
female relative; таай аҕас – mother’s elder female
relative”.
Clearly “аҕас” does not have a direct English
equivalent. Therefore, it must be translated in
English either as a set phrase “elder sister” or as
an analogue “aunt”, which means “the sister of
your mother or father, or the wife of your uncle”,
depending on a situation and context. The word
in Yakut and its near equivalent expression in
English have a common semantic component “a
relative of one of the parents”, and on the surface,
at least, it makes them look very similar. But аҕас
has an additional semantic component – a seme
denoting “generation (e.g. elder)” which implies
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Yakut
Russian
English
1) старшая сестра; аҕаһым (=моя старшая
сестра); 2) старшая родственница со
стороны отца; таай аҕас (=старшая
родственница со стороны матери).
1. младший (по возрасту); меньший; 2.
младшая сестра.
1) старик, старец; 2) в притяж. ф. муж;
оҕонньорум (=мой муж); 3) ирон. разг.
старик (об основательном, спокойном,
а также зрелом не по годам человеке);
4) почтенный (почтительное обращение
к старшему по возрасту); убайым
оҕонньор, хаһан кэлэҕин? (=наш
почтенный старший брат, когда ещё
приедешь?)
1) старшая сестра (родная); 2) старшая
родственница (по линии отца или матери);
тётка; 3) тётя, тётенька (обращение к
женщине средних лет);
1) старуха, старая женщина; 2) разг. жена,
супруга.
жена старшего родственника (по
отношению к лицам обоего пола).
1) elder sister, my elder sister; 2) aunt –
elder female relative (father’s line);
aunt – elder female relative (mother’s
line);
1) a younger relative; 2) a younger sister
1
аҕас
2
балыс
3
оҕонньор
4
эдьиий
5
эмээхсин
6
саҥас
7
абаҕа
дядя (старший брат отца)
8
таай
9
убай
10
ини
дядя (по материнской линии
безотносительно к полу говорящего)
1) старший родной брат; 2) старший
родственник по линии отца (моложе
отца); 3) дядя, дядюшка (обращение к
старшему).
1) младший родной брат; 2) младший
родственник по линии отца (по
отношению к сыновьям последнего).
1) old man; 2) in the possessive form –
husband: my husband; 3) ironically,
familiar – serious, old person beyond
years; 4) distinguished, respectable
man (form of address): “our respectable
brother, when are you going to come?”
1) elder sister (one’s own); 2) auntelder female relative (both father’s and
mother’s lines); 3) form of address to
the middle-aged woman
1) old woman; 2) informal. – wife,
spouse
sister-in-law – wife of an elder relative
(this term is used by both females and
males)
uncle – elder brother of father
uncle – brother of mother (this term is
used by both females and males)
1) elder brother (one’s own); 2) uncle –
elder relative (father’s line); 3) uncle
(form of address)
younger brother (one’ s own); 2) uncle –
younger relative (father’s line) towards
father’s sons
Figure 1
a lineal form of kinship, while the English word
aunt does not have it.
The same occurs with the translation of
other nouns. For example: “эдьиий” – 1) elder
sister (one’s own); 2) elder female relative
(among mother’s or father’s relatives); 3) aunt
(address to a middle-aged woman); “убай” –
1) one’s elder brother; 2) father’s elder male
relative (younger than father); 3) uncle (address
to an elder person); “таай” – uncle (mother’s
relative without reference to the speaker’s sex);
“абаҕа” – uncle (father’s elder brother); “ини” –
1) one’s younger brother; 2) father’s younger
male relative (in relation to the sons of the lastmentioned), etc.
The above comparison of the Yakut and
English terms referring to “kinship” shows
that the two languages are rather different. In
the Yakut language there are different words to
describe father’s relatives, mother’s relatives,
elder relatives and younger ones, but not in
English.
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(1)
Кɵхсүттэн тэһииннээх
Күн-айыы оҕолоро,
Арҕаһыттан
тэһииннээх
Ахтар айыы
кыргыттара,
Аҕастарымэдьиийдэрим!
(Oyunskyi, 1960, p. 125)
The children of KunAiyy
With the reins on your
backs,
The daughters of AkhtarAiyy
With the reins on your
napes,
My aunts and sisters!
Comparing the meanings of the Yakut
kinship words with the English kinship noungaps (i.e. translations) – e.g. аҕас (elder sister,
elder father’s female relative) vs. aunt (the sister of
your mother or father, or the wife of your uncle);
эдьиий (one’s own elder sister, elder female
relative, aunt, mistress) vs. sister (a daughter
of your parents; a female nurse in charge of a
hospital; a nun; an affiliate organization; woman
friend; woman loyalty is felt to) – prompts one to
conclude that the Yakut and the English semantic
components differ in terms of their differential
semes. For example, the English term sister does
not have the seme denoting “elder” and moreover
this word has a number of other meanings not
found in the Yakut language (e.g. nurse, nun...).
Much the same can be said of the other
kinship noun-gaps. The scheme below shows
the semantic relations of the kinship terms from
both languages. Each term in the Yakut language
has more than one corresponding terms in the
English language. However, some terms overlap
more frequently, e.g. таай, абаҕа, убай=uncle
and аҕас, эдьиий, балыс=sister:
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
ɋɚ²ɚɫ
Ɍɚɚɣ
Ⱥɛɚ±ɚ
Ⱥ±ɚɫ
ɗɞɶɢɢɣ
Ȼɚɥɵɫ
ɂɧɢ
ɍɛɚɣ
sister-in-law
uncle
aunt
sister
brother
Another important aspect to be considered
when comparing L1 and L2 words is the
relative degree of deviation of their semantic
field components. For example, the Yakut
term cаҥас can be translated into English as
sister-in-law because the general components
of these terms are similar. However, their
specific semantic components are different.
The Yakut term cаҥас means wife of an elder
relative and its specific semantic component
denotes the idea of “generation” or “age” and
depending on a context it may be translated as
aunt, if refers to a wife of any elder relative.
In comparison, while the English term sisterin-law has a broader meaning, “sister of your
husband / wife” or “the wife of your brother”,
its differential semantic component is “sister”.
While it is true that the translation of cаҥас
with sister-in-law roughly conveys the proper
meaning of the Yakut term (i.e. wife of an
elder relative towards both male and female
relatives), it also seems to be the case that some
differential semantic components of the Yakut
words may be lost in translation.
It is important to note that this is not a
question of polysemy. The aforementioned
examples overlap in their general components of
meaning, but the spectrum of their differential
semantic components is wider for the Yakut
terms than for their English counterparts. The
meaning of a word is not its most elementary
semantic unit; there are other smaller meanings,
semes that produce meanings not by an
elementary mechanic addition, but by certain
hierarchies. A speech-act presupposes the
actualization of the relevant meanings of lexical
units; however, it is also the case that while
certain semes or components are expressed,
others not relevant to the communicative
situation may be neutralized (i.e. lose their
meaningfulness).
The next fragment contains the example
of a lexical gap “sibling” meaning “brother” or
“sister”.
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(2)
Убайдаах балыстыы
Куйахалара күүрэн
Кутана быһыытыйан
Олоруохтара баара дуо...
Oyunskyi, 1960, p. 170)
How could two siblings
Sit horror-struck
With their hair stood on
end…
This example illustrates the regularity
inherent in the use of semantic specification
and generalization. Here, in contrast to the
hierarchical semantic structure of убай (=1: elder
brother (one’s own); 2: uncle – elder relative
(father’s line); 3: uncle (form of address), балыс
(=sibling – brother / sister) does not have a distinct
seme denoting “gender” and therefore has a more
generalized, gender-neutral meaning. From a
communicative perspective, its semantic function
is to express a global, inclusive notion of kinship;
in this example a more gender-specific meaning
of “sibling” is not required by the communicative
context.
3. Discussion
Many factors come into play when translating
lexical gaps: linguistic, cultural, psychological,
contextual, stylistic as well as the need to translate
not only the objective meaning(s) of a lexical
unit, but also its connotative signification that
reflects its use within a particular socio-cultural
environment.
The comparative analysis between the
Yakut kinship terms drawn from songs 5 and
6 of the Yakut epic Olonkho with their lexical
near-equivalents from the English language
showed that these terms differ with respect to the
semantic structure of their constituting semantic
element (i.e. semes). Based on the results of the
analysis, it is safe to say that the Yakut kinship
terms have a broader range of differential semes
and by extension a more hierarchically organized
semantic structure than the terms of kinship in
the English language. This implies that in order
to convey the same notion expressed in the
Yakut language by a single term, a speaker of
English must resort to employing different lexical
strategies, such as circumlocution, neologisms
and/or adoption of loanwords. Thus, we
identified ten lexical gaps in the English language
corresponding to ten Yakut kinship terms based
on Olonkho.
English lexical gaps have a direct impact on
attempts to translate Olonkho into the English
language. Like the English speaker, the translator
must also put to use various techniques in order
to ensure an accurate transmission of information
without considerable loss of meaning, especially
deep, connotative meaning, from the original
text. There are several strategies that a
translator can employ, such as hyperonymic
transformation (generalization), hyponymic
transformation (specification), explanation,
analogue, transliteration, transcription and loan
translation. The choice of the strategy depends
on the purpose and the conditions of a translation
task. For example, if one of the requirements
is economy and efficiency of translation, then
transliteration (e.g. writing эдьий as edjei) may
be a better choice to explanation which is usually
more sizable in terms of content and labour.
4. Conclusion
Lexical gaps is the notion for which there is a
word in L1, but not in L2 – poses an important and
challenging problem for the translator, especially
one concerned with the translation of classical or
folklore texts such the Yakut epic Olonkho. It is
imperative that translators are aware and are able
to competently use some or all of the techniques
devised for dealing with lexical gaps. Such
techniques can help preserve the full spectrum
of meaning of the original text and ensure the
more genuine transmission of culturally vital
information from one culture to another.
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*
The formula can be read in the following way: given two languages L1 and L2, a lexical gap (GAP) of L1 can be obtained
as a lexical unit L1 , if L2 is used as a comparison language; conversely, a lexical gap (GAP) of L2 can be obtained as a
lexical unit L2, if L1 is used a comparison language.
References
1.
Bykova, G. 2003. Lakunarnost’ kak kategoriya leksicheskoi sistemologii [Lexical Gaps as a
2.
Category of Lexical Systemology]. Blagoveshensk: BGPU Press-House.
Popova, Z., Sternin J. and Charikova O. 1998. Na puti k razvitiyu ponyatiya mirovozzreniye v
3.
4.
yazyke i etnicheskomu soznaniyu [Towards the Development of the Notion of World View in
Language and Ethnic Conciousness]. Voronezh.
Oyunskyi, Platon. 1960. Дьулуруйар Ньургун боотур [Nurgun Botur the Swift]. Yakutsk: Sakha
knigaizdat.
Oyunskyi, Platon. 2011. Дьулуруйар Ньургун боотур [Nurgun Botur the Swift]. Unpublished
English translation of the Yakut epos Olonkho made by Department of Translation, Institute
of Foreign Philology and Regional Studies. Yakutsk: M.K. Ammosov North-Eastern Federal
University.
Лексические лакуны родства
в якутском героическом эпосе Олонхо:
проблемы перевода
А.А. Находкина
Северо-Восточный федеральный университет
им. М.К. Аммосова
Россия 677000, Якутск, ул. Белинского, 58
Проблема перевода культурно связанных явлений требует описания их происхождения и
развития. Для этого следует обратиться к таким понятиям, как языковые мировоззрения и
языковые универсалии, потому что они играют жизненно важную роль в развитии культурноспецифической лексики, в том числе лексических лакун в данном языке.
Ключевые слова: лексические лакуны, якутский героический эпос Олонхо, языковое
мировоззрение, языковые универсалии, культурно-специфическая лексика, родство.
Работа выполнена в рамках исследований, финансируемых Красноярским краевым фондом
поддержки научной и научно-технической деятельности, а также в рамках тематического
плана СФУ по заданию Министерства образования и науки Российской Федерации.
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Journal of Siberian Federal University. Humanities & Social Sciences 5 (2013 6) 742-747
~~~
УДК 373.4(571.56)
Designing School Development of еру
Indigenous Small-numbered Peoples of the North
Zoya S. Zhirkova*
M.K. Ammosov North-Eastern Federal University in Yakutsk
58 Belinskiy Str., Yakutsk, 677980 Russia
Received 11.01.2013, received in revised form 18.03.2013, accepted 09.04.2013
This article discusses an actual problem of designing the development system of rural schools;
factors of implementation of the development project for rural schools. It presents an example of
the organization of educational activities in rural schools with specific living conditions, people’s
work, peculiarities of micro environment of the North, as well as the interaction of institutions in the
sociocultural sphere.
Keywords: design, factors, rural school, native language, interaction.
The work was fulfilled within the framework of the research financed by the Krasnoyarsk Regional
Foundation of Research and Technology Development Support and in accordance with the course
schedule of Siberian Federal University as assigned by the Ministry of Education and Science of the
Russian Federation.
The main task of the Russian educational
policy is to ensure the quality of education
through the preservation of its fundamental
nature and meets the current and future needs of
the individual, society and the state.
The school is the most important factor in the
humanization of social and economic relations, the
formation of new vital installations personality.
A developing society needs educated, ethical,
entrepreneurial people who can independently
make important decisions in a situation of choice
predicting the possible consequences, are able to
cooperate, characterized by mobility, dynamism,
constructiveness having a strong sense of
responsibility for the fate of the country.
Today, the state support of innovative
programmes of all types of educational institutions
*
is aimed at the modernization of their material
and technical base, the introduction of new
programmes and technologies, and, in general,
the improvement of the quality of education, its
interdependence with the economy of the country
and its regions.
The education system as a social institution
of society largely reflects the level of development
of the community and the requirements that it
imposes to it. At the same time, keeping the most
important function in the transmission of culture
during the social and cultural crisis of society
the education system is an active component
of crisis management and incentives for the
development of social relations. The democratic
and public nature of the education management,
the autonomy of educational institutions,
© Siberian Federal University. All rights reserved
Corresponding author E-mail address: zhirkova_zoy@mail.ru
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Zoya S. Zhirkova. Designing School Development of еру Indigenous Small-numbered Peoples of the North
their independence in the development and
implementation of their educational programme
(Russian Federation Law.., 1996) allow education
authorities at the federal and regional level, as
well as the local institutions of general education
promptly and adequately meet the social demand
of the population for educational services.
A programme to improve the above process
cannot be implemented without a quality design.
The project cannot be separated from the
surrounding conditions and their development.
The project implementation occurs in a dynamic
internal and external environment that has a
certain effect on it. Under certain conditions, each
of these effects could have a negative impact on
the project. So, the direct (nearest) environment
of the project and its future environment should
be considered in advance.
The substantial circumstances of designing
the development system of rural schools are:
geographical location, climatic conditions, history
of the country (region), political and economic
situation, society, law and justice, science and
technology, culture, ecology, infrastructure
and social institutions. However, the degree of
influence of these factors for various projects is
different and social (educational) projects are the
most susceptible to the influence of the external
environment.
As part of the project and practical activity
considering the project as its complex synthesized
product aimed at the creation or conversion
of the existing reality, which because of its
complexity and specificity contains a number
of directions both structural and content, it is
necessary and appropriate for the development
and implementation of the project to stick to
the following requirements of the effective
organization of design:
1. Solving a large amount of tasks requires
cohesion, coherence, coordination of specialists’
actions and division of labor.
2. Achieving certain objectives depends on
the availability, method and procedure for the use
of resources (scientific, professional, financial,
logistical, informational).
3. Development and implementation of the
project is possible by ensuring well-functioning
organization of actions for the system management,
its development and decision-making within and
outside the system.
4. The essential condition for the success
of the design is the motivation as a means to
stimulate activity, the process of motivation of
those involved in the project.
5. The aim of the project must be clear
and precise down to the limit, setting a variety
of purposes or their additions during the
design process results in the fact that they are
implemented only partially, with a minimum
degree of efficiency.
6. The success of the design is highly
dependent on who is the initiator and on the role
played by its members.
7. Design is usually closely related to
the local features and cultural specifics. The
key to the success of design is the guide of its
implementation taking into account the specific
features.
Objectives of the project may evolve
in the course of the implementation of the
pedagogical project under the impact of changes
in the environment of the project and the obtained
intermediate results, therefore, the goal-setting
should be viewed as a continuous dynamic
process that analyzes the current situations,
trends and, if necessary, adjusts objectives. At the
same time the principles of pedagogical design
should remain unchanged.
The project approach in the development
of the secondary education system in rural
areas has not yet found a proper distribution.
One of the reasons is that there is no clearly
built methodology of this kind of design, and
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its educational and legislative means were not
classified. Paradigms, models, tools, types and
levels of complexity of pedagogical design of
rural educational institutions remain poorly
disclosed and described. Meanwhile, the project
approach allows building systems of rural schools
in clear theoretical and methodological positions,
improving its workability, making it more focused
and effective.
According to V.D. Symonenko, the design
processes are characterized with the hierarchical,
information and logic and functional structure.
The first type of the structure reflects the
relations of occurrence of one task in another,
and the second type – communication between
tasks and project operations. The logical and
functional structure describes the logic of the
interaction of tasks and project operations, that
is, the algorithm of the design process at various
levels of dissection.
The project nature of education is also
recognized in a wider context, as the formation
is always required by the society to meet the
needs and historical perspectives of development.
(Symonenko, 1997)
The modern rural school is focused on the
creation of conditions for the development of
an initiative, creative individual able not only
to survive in the present conditions, but also to
fulfill oneself, to show social initiative, to act
as an active subject of transformation in the
agricultural society. In the new conditions occurs
the process of rethinking the purpose of school
and its place in the education system, the main
objectives and functions (Danilov, 1988).
Rural schools in the Republic of Sakha
(Yakutia) develop with due account for the specific
living conditions, people’s work, especially
the microenvironment of the north, and also in
accordance with the industrial and economic,
social and educational map of the area they find
an individual direction that in the given conditions
solves a particular social, spiritual, psychological,
philosophical task in the microsocium better.
Due to the unique situation of the rural
schools activities we have developed a programme
of social and educational initiatives for the
creation of a new type of educational institution.
Tomponsky nasleg (village) was selected as the
place of the experimental work, Topolinsky
Secondary School of the Sakha Republic
(Yakutia) became the base.
During the experimental work we have
tested the model of a new type of the educational
institution as an open social system and an
educational process based on the development
and improvement of the literary form of the native
language. Our objective was to promote and
develop the literary form of the Evens language,
to revive the traditional culture of the Evens
people and enrich it in conjunction with culture
of other nations.
Therewith, we proceeded from the
assumption that the use of the native language on
a par with the Russian language would create a
national language environment, form a national
self-consciousness of students, learn native
history and culture, that the equal knowledge
of Evens and Russian would accelerate the
intellectual development of a child.
The solution of the problem required a
comprehensive approach: creation of the national
language environment; in-depth study of the
Evens language; preparation of students for life
and work in the real world with national culture
and native language, experience of traditional
economic management and ethnic lifestyle, in view
of time requirements that arise in the transition
to the new social and economic relations; the use
of the ethnopedagogics the framework of which
consists of the national language and culture for
the organization of the educational process.
In the Tomponsky nasleg the middle
generation of the Evens i.e. parents of the
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contemporary Evens, finished school outside the
native language and culture and were educated
at boarding schools with the full state support.
Conversations with them revealed that generally
they are aware of their ethnic identity and
understand that the means of revival of the nation
and its culture is the national language.
Defi ning further spread of the experimental
work in the field of continuous education we
proceeded from the fact that the rural school
teaches children and teenagers learning
language, culture and history of the particular
people, in accordance with the contemporary
challenges of the education system on the basis
of the inclusion of students in the ethnic and
cultural tradition. However, the rural school
is not confi ned to itself; it is a system that
is open to the integration of foreign cultural
components for inclusion through the national,
regional and federal components in the context
of the development of the modern civilization.
Furthermore, as correctly noted by experts, the
rural school as a social and cultural institution
should be based on the principle of continuity,
and by accumulating experience of the past
use it creatively taking into account changes of
conditions of the ethnos existence. These are the
basic positions of the experimental work.
One of the factors of cultural life of the
people is the presence of a literary language. The
birth of the literary form of the language and its
further improvement is in direct relation with the
growth of the people’s culture – a carrier language
speaker, a developed folklore and its professional
artists. The presence of the literary language, on
the one hand, promotes language development,
accelerates the development of mass education
of all kinds of literature, science, art and other
forms of culture, and on the other hand, unites the
once disparate clans and tribes across the NorthEast region of the country in one Evens nation,
wherever its representatives may live.
Topolinsky Secondary School prepared to
transit to the status of the experimental site very
thoroughly. First of all, they identified the level
of the national language knowledge of parents,
the language environment in the family social
life, the knowledge of the national language of
children of preschool and school age, the attitude
of parents and students towards education
in Evens. The activities of the kindergarten
“Olenyonok” and a local school in previous years,
the creative potential of the teaching staff were
thoroughly and impartially analyzed. To work
in the experimental classes and groups the most
qualified teachers speaking the Evens language
were selected.
In accordance with the approved programme
in the experimental work a set of measures was
carried out, which helped us to develop and
formulate the basic ways, methods for the revival
of the language and culture of the indigenous
peoples of the North within the activities of
educational institutions.
The effectiveness of the research can be seen
in the results of the intraschool monitoring of the
language and culture development.
Firstly, the creation of the networking
cooperation between institutions of the social and
cultural sphere: family – kindergarten – school –
the ethnographic center “Garpana” (Sunbeam)
gave a positive result in not only improving the
quality of the educational process, but also in
broadening the language environment.
Secondly, the study includes data from
1927 to 2007. The monitoring revealed a number
of factors that influenced the process of the
language and cultural development of students.
So from 1942 to 1959 the native (Evens) and
Yakut languages were not taught at schools. Only
since 1995 begins the systematic in-depth study
of the native language and culture.
Thus, in accordance with the basic
fundamental approach to the improvement of
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2004 2007
2
1995 2004
2
Russian
1988 1995
Yakut
4
1980 1988
3
19 771980
2
19 62 1977
1938 1942
2
1959 1962
1935 1938
Evens
Group-classes by years
19 42 1959
19 271931
Comparative analysis of the native (Evens), Yakut and Russian languages learning in group classes of the
Topolinsky Secondary School
4
6
9
15
6
11
11
14
19
22
22
4
4
10
schools of the indigenous peoples of the North
providing a maximal degree of approximation of
education to the life of population, the following
proposition is put forward: to create such types
of schools that do not tear children away from
their parents, families in which they preserve
the language, culture, traditions of economic
management adequate to living conditions of the
people. (Zhirkova, 1998)
Over the years the restructuring processes
have been the focus of educational authorities,
principals, and teachers, parents and trustees. The
models that can efficiently rebuild educational
network and give children a quality education
are established and practiced in the regions of the
Russian Federation.
Under restructuring we understand such an
organization of the regional system of education
that would provide high quality of education and
its accessibility through the more efficient use of
material, personnel, financial and management
resources on the basis of their cooperation, as
well as enhance the competitiveness of education.
According to T.V. Abankina, it is impossible to
offer the subjects of the Federation one or several
standard solutions for the restructuring processes
and the general scheme operating in all regions.
The more decisions are closer to local conditions,
the more they are more effective. (Abankina,
2007)
A new social production situation identified
new types of schools. One of the features of the
organization of education in rural schools is the
10
10
10
networking cooperation. Networking is preferred
based on the principles of cooperation:
1. Joint educational activity.
2. A common information space and
resources to implement activities.
(Abankina, 2003)
A major focus of the comprehensive
modernization of education is to develop an
educational network of rural schools.
The Topolinsky Secondary School’s staff
tracks the dynamics of changes and how the
experiment affects parents, teachers and students.
On the basis of deep self-examination, the results
of questioning teachers, students and parents, the
school staff proceeded to the next stage of the
experimental work.
Based on the educational needs of the
individual and family, needs and perspectives
of the social and cultural development of the
rural areas of the North, as well as the social
formation of a creative, independent, selfsustaining individual, the Topolinsky Secondary
School’s staff is implementing a project on the
topic: Networking cooperation of the support
secondary school and the nomadic kindergarten
schools “Aylik” (Perfection) taking into account
the traditional way of life, labor and economic
management.
The idea of the project is to create optimal
conditions for the development of each student,
the use of progressive traditions and customs
of the northern peoples in the educational
work, establishment of the strong link between
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education of indigenous children with traditional
crafts and modern production in accordance
with the socio-economic conditions. (Zhirkova,
2009)
Thus, networking cooperation will give
a positive result on conditions that each of the
members of the network has a quality resource;
the voluntary distribution of fields between the
network members for the in-depth study and
creation of a quality resource; the mandatory
qualitative increment when using the networking
resource; the network-wide resource formation;
the consideration of ethnic features in organization
the educational process.
References
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
Russian Federation Law “On Education”. Vedomosti CPD and SS of the Russian Federation of
30.07.1992 No 30 Art.1797 (as amended on 13.01.1996 // Russian Federation Code, 15.01.1996,
No 3, Art. 150).
Symonenko, V.D. Fundamentals of Management: a short course of lectures. Bryansk BSPU, SMC
Technology, 1997, p. 88.
Danilov, D.A. A rural school in Yakutia. Organizational and pedagogical support. Yakutsk:
Publishing house, 1988, p. 48.
Zhirkova, Z.S. Social and pedagogical foundations of the improvement of the schools’ activity of
the indigenous peoples of the North. PhD thesis. Yakutsk, 1998, p. 180.
Abankina, T.V. Perspective models of rural schools. National education. 2007. № 2. P. 72-77.
Adamskiy, A.I. Project “Eureka”. Russian Education: The network approach. SPB, “Atlant”, 2003,
p. 101-105.
Zhirkova, Z.S. Features of an innovative model development of the rural school development in
the North. Proceedings of the Russian State Pedagogical University named after A.I. Herzen,
№. 12 (91), 2009. P. 70-78.
Проектирование развития школ
малочисленных народов Севера
З.С. Жиркова
Северо-Восточный федеральный университет им. М.К. Аммосова
Россия 677000, Якутск, ул. Белинского, 58
В данной статье рассмотрена актуальная проблема проектирования системы развития
сельских образовательных учреждений; факторы реализации проекта развития сельских
школ; представлен пример организации образовательной деятельности в сельских школах
с учетом специфики быта, труда жителей, особенностей микросреды Севера, а также
сетевого взаимодействия учреждений социокультурной сферы.
Ключевые слова: проектирование, факторы, сельская школа, родной язык, сетевое
взаимодействие.
Работа выполнена в рамках исследований, финансируемых Красноярским краевым фондом
поддержки научной и научно-технической деятельности, а также в рамках тематического
плана СФУ по заданию Министерства образования и науки Российской Федерации.
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Journal of Siberian Federal University. Humanities & Social Sciences 5 (2013 6) 748-753
~~~
УДК 81’255.2
Translation of the Sakha (Yakut)
Culture-Specific Vocabulary into English
Zoya E. Tarasova*
M.K. Ammosov North-Eastern Federal University in Yakutsk
58 Belinskiy Str., Yakutsk, 677000 Russia
Received 10.01.2013, received in revised form 25.02.2013, accepted 29.04.2013
The article discusses the issues of translation of the Sakha culture-specific vocabulary into English
on the phonological level. Along with the description of both the Sakha and the English phonological
systems, it studies the most difficult aspects of the Sakha-English translation of culture-specific
vocabulary and proposes their solution with regard for phonological differences of the source and the
target languages. The examples for the analysis are taken from the Sakha epic olonkho “Nurgun Botur
the Swift” written down by Platon Oiunskii.
Keywords: culture-specific vocabulary, translation, Sakha (Iakut), English, phoneme, diphthong,
monophthong, phonological norms.
The work was fulfilled within the framework of the research financed by the Krasnoyarsk Regional
Foundation of Research and Technology Development Support and in accordance with the course
schedule of Siberian Federal University as assigned by the Ministry of Education and Science of the
Russian Federation.
Introduction
At the present time the circle of people,
who study the epic heritage of the Sakha people,
olonkho, is expanding. The heroic epic olonkho,
which presents the base for the Sakha (previously
known as Yakut) national self-consciousness, has
always been an object of researches in various
fields of science – folklore and culture studies,
ethnography, history. Thus the questions of
olonkho genre, its images and ideas, plots and
genetic and typological links with the epics of
related Turkic and Mongolian peoples, as well as
its role in the formation of the Sakha literature
are well explored to-date. What has not been well
discussed about olonkho so far are the peculiarities
*
of olonkho language and especially the issues of its
translation into unrelated languages (Illarionova
2008: 14-15).
The aim of this article is to study the
phonetic and phonological,morphological, lexical
and syntactic vocabulary into English in the epic
“Nurgun Botur the Swift” written by Platon
Oiunskii. The analysis will partly include the
Russian translation, which, in our mind, also
requires a contemporary approach.
Theoretical Framework
Culture-specific vocabulary (further CSV)
are lexical units (words and set expressions)
of one of the languages in the process of
© Siberian Federal University. All rights reserved
Corresponding author E-mail address: zoy-tarasova@yandex.ru
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translation which do not have either full, or
part equivalents among lexical units of the
other language (Barkhudarov 2008: 94). CSV
is a broad term which includes various personal
names, ethnonyms, toponyms, culture words,
which altogether comprise a key element in
understanding of a work of art to which an epic
surely belongs.
The CSV of an epic can contain important
information on the history, culture and linguistic
contacts of a nation. Besides bearing a broad
extralinguistic knowledge, a CSV is an integral
part of a structure of an epic text, its formal
aspect. Therefore an epic CSV can be studied on
all linguistic levels – phonetic and phonological,
morphological, and syntactic.
Before starting the analysis of the CSV
translation in the epic proposed, it is necessary to
give a brief description of the Sakha and English
languages, compare their norms in phonetics
and phonology, and find out main differences
underlying in them.
The considered languages – Sakha and
English – belong to different language families
and groups, which is the reason for sufficient
differences in their phonological, lexical and
syntactic systems.
The Sakha language is an agglutinative
language. Being one the most ancient
representatives of the Turkic family of languages,
it is distinguished by a number of unknown
archaic forms on all levels of its system.
A contemporary Sakha alphabet is based
on the Cyrillic script, which includes the whole
Russian alphabet with the addition of a small
number of characters and combinations for
specific Sakha sounds. There is no academic and
unified phonological transcription in the Sakha
language. In the present paper, the Sakha sounds
are given in the transcription developed by us
with the account of their articulatory and acoustic
qualities on the Latin script.
There are 20 vowels in the Sakha language –
eight short (и /i/, ү /ÿ/, ы /ϊ/, у /u/, э /ä/, ө /œ/, о
/o/, а /a/)and eight long vowels correspondingly
(ии /i:/, үү /ÿ:/, ыы /ϊ:/, уу /u:/, ээ /ä:/, өө /œ:/, аа
/a:/, оо /o:/), the latter being marked with double
sounds, and four diphthongs (иэ /ie/, үө /уɛ/, ыа /
ϊɜ/, уо /uo/).
The Sakha diphthongs consist of a
combination of a narrow vowel with the wide
one in the fi nal position: иэ /ie/, үө /уɛ/, уо /uo/,
ыа /ϊɜ/. Such diphthongs are sometimes called
as “widening” diphthongs. The wide (last)
vowel usually predominates the narrow one in
the Sakha diphthongs in the length and force of
its pronunciation. Therefore these diphthongs
can also be called rising diphthongs, consisting
of the main element in the fi nal position and
the accompanying – in the initial (Kharitonov
1947: 52).
Frequent use of long vowel and the structural
quality of diphthongs are one of the distinguishing
features of the Sakha language, which also present
one the most major difficulties in the process of
translation.
There 20 consonants in the contemporary
Sakha standard language: б /b/, г /g/, ҕ /D/, д /d/,
дь /ʤ/, й /j/, й /j/ (nasal), к /k/, л /l/, м /m/, н /n/, нь
/ɲ/, ҥ /ŋ/, п /p/, р /r/, с /s/, h /h/, т /t/, х /k h/, ч /ʧ/.
Loan words from Russian also contain в /v/, ж
/ʒ/, з /z/, ц /ʦ/, ш /ʃ/, щ /ʄ/ (Korkina 1982: 17).
The English language is an inflectional
language. The English alphabet is based on the
Latin script. Vowels consist of 12 monophthongs
and eight diphthongs (Dikushina 1952: 46).
Unlike the Sakha language, long vowels in
English are not doubled in normal writing,
but are followed by two vertical points only in
transcription.
The system of English consonants consists
of the following units: /b/, /p/, /t/, /d/, /k/, /g/, /tʃ/, /
dʒ/, /m/, /n/, /ŋ/, /f/, /v/, /θ/, /ð/, /h/, /s/, /z/, /ʃ/, /ʒ/, /l/,
/r/, /j/, /w/.
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Table 1. The Sakha vowel sounds
Back
Front
non-labial
labial
wide
а, аа
narrow
ы, ыы
ыа
diphthongs
non-labial
labial
о, оо
э, ээ
ө, өө
у, уу
и, ии
ү, үү
уо
иэ
үө
Table 2. The vowel sounds of English
Monophthongs
Diphthongs
i: ı e æ
iə ei εə ai au
Back
a: Λ o: o u: u
оu oi uə
Mixed
ε: ə
Front
Therefore, there are two main factors,
which complicate the translation of CSV from
Sakha into English: fi rstly, they are sufficient
differences in the phonetic-phonological
systems of the languages, including different
set and articulatory and acoustic features of
monophthongs and diphthongs, and various
norms of the phoneme representation in writing,
secondly, it is the use of different scripts –
Cyrillic and Latin.
Discussion
In Russian (Mikhalkov 1975) and English
(Skrybykin 1995) translations of the epic
“Nurgun Botur the Swift” (Oiunskii 2003) the
issues of the CSV translation, represented mainly
by personal names, are among the central. Some
units have not yet received a proper translation,
while the equivalence of the others is doubtful.
Below proposed is the analysis of the existing
translations of the Sakha CSV and our own
variants (the spelling of the original names and
their translations was retained) (Nakhodkina
2005: 103):
example 1. Sakha Түөнүл Бөҕө (Oiunskii
2003: 129) – Russ. Тюэнюл Бэгэ (Mikhalkov
1975: 100) – Eng. no translation.
Our variant: Russ. Тенюл Беге – Eng. Tenul
Bege.
Example 2. Sakha Куоҕалдьыма Куо
(Oiunskii 2003: 111) – Russ. Куогалдьыма Куо
(Mikhalkov 1975: 85). – Eng. no translation.
Our variant: Russ. Когалджима Куо, или
Когалджима Прекрасная (by analogy with a
widely known name of fairy tales “Василиса
Прекрасная” (Nakhodkina 2005: 106)) – Eng.
Kogaljima the Beauty.
It was said above that in the pronunciation of
the Sakha diphthongs the fi nal element (nucleus)
predominates over the initial (glide). Therefore
in the examples 1 and 2 the Sakha letter and
sound combinations үө /уɛ/ and уо /uo/ should
be translated as е /э/ and о /о/ into Russian and
e /e/ and о /o/ into English correspondingly. In
this case we avoid misreading of the Sakha CSV
by Russian and English-speakers, the languages
of whom either do not have diphthongs, or only
have the falling ones (English). This variant of
the rendition of the Sakha diphthongs follows
phonological compromise without changing
significantly the original pronunciation of the
Sakha words. Besides, this variant prevents
the formation of the so-called “gaping” – the
neighboring location of several vowels in
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sequence, which hinders the distinct perception
and pronunciation of a word, its euphony
(Tomashevskii 2003: 89).
This way of rendition of the Sakha
diphthongs, however, is not appropriate for all
CSV in the epic. In the olonkho “Nurgun Botur
the Swift” we found a number of personal names
with a diphthong уо /uo/ in the beginning and
the end. These are such names, as Куо, Уот,
Луо, Уол. In these cases phonemic reproduction
of the Sakha names does not complicate
their perception by a Russian or an Englishspeaker, and, therefore, all components of these
diphthongs can be retained in the translation. The
use of the other three difficult Sakha diphthongs
иэ /ie/, ыа /ϊɜ/, үө /уɛ/ in the same positions is
not observed.
A small adjustment is also reasonable for
the rendition of the consonant phoneme дь /ʤ/
(in example 2), which is hard-to-pronounce and
does not occur in Russian. It can rendered into
Russian by an accustomed combination «дж»
by analogy with «джинн», «Джон», «ТаджМахал», which exist in Russian. In the English
language the Sakha дь /ʤ/ is close to the phoneme
j /j/ (Nakhodkina 2005: 106-107).
The proposed rendition of the Sakha
diphthongs үө /уɛ/ and уо /uo/ by their nuclei
can also be applied to the culture-specific word
ыhыах – a name of the Sakha summer solstice
festival:
example 3. Sakha ыhыах (Oiunskii 2003:
372] – Russ. ысыах (Mikhalkov 1975: 291) – Eng.
Ysyakh (Skrybykin 1995).
In example 3 the Sakha word ыhыах is also
transliterated: every letter of the source language
is exactly reproduced in Russian and English,
misrepresenting the original pronunciation of
the Sakha phonemes and name. That is why it
would be better if the Sakha and Russian initial
phonemes ы /ϊ:/ and ы /ы/ were rendered not by
the English «y», which makes the word “heavy”
to read and pronounce, but by a “lighter” front
phoneme e /e/. Taking into account the nature of
the Sakha diphthongs, the diphthong ыа /ϊɜ/ can
be rendered by the Russian monophthong э /э/
and English е /е/.
Our variant:
Russ. ысэх
Eng. esekh (Nakhodkina 2008: 71)
Example 4. Sakha. Иэрэҕэй (Oiunskii
2003: 350) – Russ. Иэрэгэй (Mikhalkov 1975:
273) – Eng. no translation.
Our variant: Russ. Ерегей – Eng. Eregei
(compare with Ieregei).
The Sakha diphthong иэ /ie/, like the
diphthongs уо /uo/ and үө /уɛ/, consists of a
glide and a nucleus in the final position, and
therefore we only render its main component – its
nucleus – the phonemes e /йэ/ into Russian and
e /e/ into English. The voiced uvular consonant
ҕ /g/, which does not have direct equivalents in
Russian and English, we replace with the closest
phonemes г /г/ and g /g/.
Long vowels, along diphthongs, make up
one of the characteristic features of the Sakha
language. In writing the length of vowels is
marked by the doubling of a vowel. It is known,
that such graphical marking of long vowels is
typical for the early stages of a writing system
development, which require further revision and
improvement. That is why, as Alina Nakhodkina
claims in the article “Translation of the Sakha
Personal Names”, a literal rendition of the Sakha
vowel sounds should be avoided since it is not
characteristic of the target languages – Russian
and English (Nakhodkina 2005: 107). Below
given are the examples:
example 5. Sakha. Буура Дохсун (Oiunskii
2003: 50) – Russ. Буура Дохсун (Mikhalkov
1975: 37) – Eng. Buura Dokhsun (Skrybykin
1995: 94).
Such translation is not preferable, in our
mind, since the doubling of long vowels is
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not characteristic of the Russian and English
languages, and thus does not takes into account
their norms. Moreover, the length of a vowel does
not influence on the word stress, which is fixed
in Sakha and usually falls on the last syllable. As
a rule, the stressed syllable is expressed by the
intensity and pitch of its vowel sound, not by its
length (Kharitonov 1947: 56).
Our variant: Russ. Бура Дохсун – Eng.
Bura Dokhsun.
The same is true to the following example:
Example 6. Sakha. Моҕойдоон (Oiunskii
2003: 471) – Russ. Могойдоон (Mikhalkov 1975:
376) – Eng. no translation.
Our variant: Russ. Могойдон – Eng.
Mogoydon.
Conclusion
Our variants of rendition of diphthongs of in
the Sakha CSV into Russian are mainly dictated
by the absence of diphthongs in its phonological
system, and into English – by the existence of
structurally different diphthongs.
The rendition of the Sakha long vowel sounds
by single phonemes into Russian and English are
also explained by the absence of such graphical
feature in the target languages.
In our mind, such ways of the translation
of the Sakha CSV into Russian and English not
only comply with their phonetic and phonological
norms, but also contribute to the euphony of the
translated words without misrepresenting their
original pronunciation in Russian and English.
References
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
Barkhudarov L.S. Iazyk i perevod: Voprosy obshchei i chastnoi teorii perevoda [Language and
Translation: General and Specific Theory of Translation]. Мoscow, LKI, 2008. 240 p.
Dikushina О.I. Fonetika angliiskogo iazyka [English Phonetics]. Мoscow, Izd-vo literatury na
inostrannykh iazykakh, 1952. 350 p.
Illarionova T.V. Tekstologia olonkho “Moguchii Er Sogotokh”. Sravnitel’nyi analiz
raznovremennykh zapisei [Textual Study of the Olonkho “Er Sogotokh the Mighty.”
A Comparative Analysis of Non-Simultaneous Versions]. Novosibirsk, Nauka, 2008. 96 p.
Korkina E.I. Grammatika sovremennogo iakutskogo literaturnogo iazyka [A Grammar of the
Contemporary Standard Iakut Language]. Мoscow, Nauka, 1982. 496 p.
Nakhodkina А.А. O kompromissakh v perevode imen sobstvennykh (na materiale iakutskogo
yazyka) [On the Compromises in the Translation of Personal Names (in the Iakut Language)].
Materialy II mezhdunarodnoi nauchnoi onomasticheskoi konferentsii “Imya. Sotsium. Ku’ltura”.
[Proceedings of the 2nd International Research Onomastic Conference “Name. Society. Culture.”].
Ulan-Ude, 2008, Buriat State University Press, pp. 70-73.
Nakhodkina А.А. Problema perevoda iakutskikh imen sobstvennykh [The Issues of
Translation of the Iakut Personal Names]. Materialy III mezhdunarodnoi nauchnoi konferentsii
“Iazyk i kul’tura” [Proceedings of the 3rd International Research Conference “Language and
Culture”]. Мoscow, Russian Academy of Linguistics, Moscow Institute of Foreign Languages,
pp. 102-108.
Nyurgun Bootur Stremitel’nyi. Yakutskii geroicheskii epos olonkho [Yakutsk heroic epos of
olonkho] / edited by S.V. Mikhalkov; trasnslated by V. Derzhavin – Yakutsk: Knizhnoe izdatel’stvo,
1975., 432 p.
Oyunskii P.A. Djuluruiar Nurgun Bootur [Nurgun Botur the Swift]. Iakutsk: Sakhapoligraphizdat
Publ., 2003. 544 p.
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Zoya E. Tarasova. Translation of the Sakha (Yakut) Culture-Specific Vocabulary into English
9.
Skrybykin R.Iu. The translation of “NJURGUN BOOTUR THE IMTETUOUS” by P.A.
Oiuunuskay in English. The first song. Vestnik Respublikanskogo Kolledzha [Republican College
Bulletin]. Iakutsk, 1995, No 1, pp. 6-111.
10. Тomashevskii B.V. Teoria literatury. Poetika [Theory of Literature. Poetics]. Moscow, Aspect
Press, 2003. 333 p.
11. Kharitonov L.N. Sovremennyi iakutskii iazyk. Chast’ 1. Fonetika i Morfologia [The Modern Iakut
Language. Part 1. Phonetics and Morphology]. Iakutsk, Knizhnoe izdatel’stvo, 1947. 306 p.
Фонологические аспекты перевода якутского
эпического текста на английский язык
З.Е. Тарасова
Северо-Восточный федеральный университет
им. М.К. Аммосова
Россия 677000, Якутск, ул. Белинского, 58
В статье рассмотрены вопросы перевода якутской безэквивалентной лексики на английский
язык на уровне фонологии. Дано описание и сравнение фонологических систем якутского и
английского языков, выделены наиболее сложные аспекты перевода якутских безэквивалентных
слов на английский язык и предложены пути их решения с учетом фонологических различий
данных языков. Примеры для анализа взяты из якутского героического эпоса олонхо “Нюургун
Боотур Стремительный”, записанного П.А. Ойунским.
Ключевые слова: эпос, безэквивалентная лексика, фонема, дифтонг, монофтонг, якутский
язык, английский язык, фонологические нормы языка.
Работа выполнена в рамках исследований, финансируемых Красноярским краевым фондом
поддержки научной и научно-технической деятельности, а также в рамках тематического
плана СФУ по заданию Министерства образования и науки Российской Федерации.
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Journal of Siberian Federal University. Humanities & Social Sciences 5 (2013 6) 754-761
~~~
УДК 37.013.2
Educational Technology of B.I. Vershinin:
the Content and Features
Sergey N. Postnikova and Alena V. Andrienkob*
Tomsk State University of Architecture and Building
2 ploschad Solianaya, Tomsk, 634003 Russia
b
National Research Tomsk State University
36 prospekt Lenina, Tomsk, 634050 Russia
a
Received 01.10.2012, received in revised form 25.01.2013, accepted 22.04.2013
This paper presents the main provisions of educational technology B.I. Vershinin, based on the method
of the implementation brain capability. A comparative analysis of common pedagogical practices can
be recommended for widespread use in all phases of training.
Keywords: educational technology; educational system; methodology of teaching.
Introduction
The development of the modern student,
being itself a very difficult task, is much more
complicated in terms of modernization of
education and the introduction of new state
standards. Teachers solve it every day, in every
class, using the pedagogical techniques, methods
and training technologies as the primary means,
and bringing something individual and authorial
into the educational process. If we consider that
in the theory and practice of modern schools
today there interact several dozen of educational
technologies, it becomes clear that not only the
teacher but the teacher-researcher can easily
get lost in such a manifold and it is difficult to
make a reasoned scientific choice in favor of
some particular approach. Moreover, in such a
situation there is some particular opportunity to
make an error in the analysis of the statements
and principles of technology, which can lead to
*
too low estimation or, what is worse, to make it
forgotten.
In this regard, the classification of educational
technology is not only of scientific interest,
but is an invaluable practical significance. Ongiving tribute to the huge efforts of German
Konstantinovich Selevko (Selevko, 1998) to
systematize the teaching technologies and on
the basis of some of his provisions, we try to
highlight the key features of a number of wellknown teacher education technologies and in this
way we present the authorial technology of Boris
Ivanovich Vershinin, the National Teacher of the
USSR .
First of all, we denote the content of the
concepts which we use in the article.
Teaching technology means a set of
methods, techniques, exercises and procedures to
ensure productive interaction of subjects of the
educational process and to achieve the planned
© Siberian Federal University. All rights reserved
Corresponding author E-mail address: psntomsk@gmail.com
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result (Andrienko et al., 2008; Evsikova, 2008;
Tikhomirova, 2011). Educational technology is
based primarily on the prognostic knowledge
about the mechanisms of obtaining such a result.
It is based on a new technique, which is the source
of the appearance, as a rule, a generalization of the
positive practical experience of in-novation of the
teacher. Therefore, the educational community
sometimes confuses the term “technique”
and “technology”, forgetting that the latter is
much broader. The other broader concept is the
“educational technology”, it includes, besides
teaching, a variety of management of the social,
cultural, psychological, educational, medical,
educational, economic, and other related aspects
of the social sphere.
In the article we analyze in the way of the
classification of G.K. Selevko the educational
technologies of Amonashvili, Montessori,
Shatalov, Sukhomlinsky and Vershinin.
Description
of educational technologies
1. Technology of Shalva Alexandrovich
Amonashvili (Amonashvili, 1986, 1988, 1995),
teaching children the age of six is based on the
dictum: “Every child is a phenomenon in the
Earth’s life. He was born because it was he who
was missing in the world. We – adults need to
create such conditions that the child is able to
find room for the development of his true nature,
showing initiative, independence, creativity, and
disclosure of his unique character and identity.”
Considering the child in the prism of the
modern human world, which has the value of
human life, the author of the technology refers to
the student as an individual, enjoys the process
of his development and achievements, which, like
the magic influence of an experienced teacher,
not forced to wait long. The child “disclosed”,
opens his world, his vision of things, which are
often different from the adult point of view to
the better way. “It is not me, who gives them a
lesson, but they give me!” – Says Amonashvili,
treating the child as an equal; a student can easily
argue with the teacher, defending his or her views
and feelings of gratitude for this opportunity,
which in itself is a great incentive for further
development.
An important thing in Amonashvili approach
is the interest to the child and the interests of the
child himself: “Do you like the task? Do you
like the poems? No? Find others that you like!”
The main role of the teacher is to organize the
educational process so that the child constantly
is in need of overcoming the difficulties of the
situation, but – and this is very important! – these
difficulties are consistent with his individual
capacity, that is to be according to student’s
possibilities.
Foundations of educational technology of
Amonashvili can be described by the following
directions.
• Training without marks. School grades
are the external motivation of training, so they
are uses very limited, giving the major role to a
qualitative evaluation.
• They refuse explanatory and illustrative
method of training that leads to passivity and loss
of student interest in learning.
• They create a lesson atmosphere of
mutual trust, love and respect, encourage and
enable a creative, independent learning and
cognitive activity, encourage students to share
creative work with the teacher.
• They use a variety of pedagogical
techniques, allowing the complex to solve
educational,
pedagogical,
developmental
problems (“summer” and “secret” letters, “a
collective search for truth,” “design lessons,”
“pedagogisation of the environment”, “choral
response”, “work in the dark”, “Lessons of ethics,
courtesy”, “3 minutes of poetry at the lesson of
mathematics”, etc.);
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• The use of pedagogical expression
sources that allow you to make a “lesson full
of vitality, and communication is sincere; to
deepen the perception of the content of the
material, moral standards, to reach the minds and
hearts of everyone, cause emotional attitude to
knowledge.”
• The active involvement of parents in
upbringing and education of their children.
Thus, “according to Selevko”, the technology
of Amonashvili can be classified:
the level of use – general pedagogics;
to the philosophical basis – the materialist,
dialectical, humanistic, progressive
education, existentialistic;
the concept of assimilation – the
associative-reflexive;
the focus on the personality structure –
with a predominance of emotional to the
moral aspect;
the nature of the content – learning
and educational, general education,
humanitarian;
organizational forms – the traditional
class-lesson
division
with
the
elements of differentiation and
individualization;
to the child – humane, personal pedagogy
of cooperation;
the predominant method – plays with
elements of problem-based learning,
creative;
the category of educable – mass, advanced
on the basis of personal-face approach to
children.
2. Technology of self-development of
Maria Montessori (Andrushchenko, 2010,
Montessori, 2005; Bordovsky, 2010), an Italian
physician, educator, psychologist, as a major
problem is determined in the creation of school
educational environment for the natural process
of self-development of the child who chooses his
favorite type of activities, that is, has the freedom
to choose what to do.
To supply that choice, Montessori practice
should involve a wide variety of materials,
manuals and training aids. The space and
furnishings in it are very important, they should
help a student to get carried away and immerse
themselves in the selected type of work without
time restrictions and controls at their own pace,
not dependent on the skills of other children.
The role of the teacher in the technology of
Montessori is incredibly complex. On the one
hand – his field of activity is very limited, since
the main goal is not to interfere with the child
to do their work. On the other – it is necessary
to form a coherent, balanced personality: they
should be at the right time to learn to deal with
this or that material (tools, manuals and so on),
if a child is successful, the teacher offers some
more sophisticated type of activity and supports
in case of failure. In such circumstances, the
construction of a line of conduct of the teacher is
more intuitive.
Foundations of the educational technology
of Maria Montessori can be described by the
following directions:
• The technology is implemented in large
groups of 30-40 students, since the number at 25
and less the results decline, and there positive
results are not fixed in a class of 8.
• The Montessori environment is a clear
logic of construction, based on the psychological
needs of the child and in the first place are
cognitive ones.
• The main condition for the rapid
development of the child is the activity with
pleasure interaction, which is provided by an
independent selection of what he is going to
know, what to study at the moment, how much
time to devote to this.
• Philosophical concepts in the field of
Montessori are the driving forces of the child’s
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personality, and the personality is formed through
the work.
• The Montessori materials are something
in between a study guide and educational games.
They are divided into groups: exercise for the
development of life skills; sensory material;
the material for the development of speech;
Mathematics material; material for space
education.
• There are no any clear time limits: the
child must complete the work to the end and
only then it will be useful and may help for the
development the child. The artificial division
into fixed time lessons can lead to objectively
unreasonable interruption of the (physical or
mental), the effect of the latter may reduce to
zero.
• There is the connection between the
various stages of training, which is realized
through the principle of open doors, where
students from different classes and different age
can communicate freely with each other.
• There are no any uniform training
programs, everyone follows his unique way of
development. After a common discussion (it
usually reflexive) at the beginning of the day
a student chooses what and how long he will
do some subject: mathematics, mother tongue,
astronomy, history, some chemical experiments
or something else. The results are shown to the
teacher and discussed. On the way of work when
there is the need there is used a common didactic
circle, which helps to make students’ knowledge
systematic, all the students and the teacher listen
to the reports and work results of children, it
clarifies the concept, introduces new terminology
and there is a plunge into a new subject. All
information is fixed in notebooks on the three
integrated subjects: mother tongue, mathematics
and space education.
• There is the priority of auto-evaluation;
the traditional marks are not used.
Thus, the technology of Montessori has the
following classifications according to Selevko
parameters:
the level of use – general pedagogics;
to the philosophical basis – the materialist,
dialectical, humanistic anthroposophical,
existentialistic;
the concept of assimilation – the
associative-reflex in conjunction with the
gestalt-technology;
the focus on the personality structure –
the technology of self-development with
an emphasis on the activity-environment
and practical methods of intelligence
activities;
the nature of the content – training,
general education with a predominance
of the humanitarian approach;
the management type of cognitive
activity – the system of small groups with
elements of “consultant” and “tutor”;
the attitude to the child – the technology
of free education with elements of
cooperation;
the predominant method – play and
creativity;
the category of educable – mass.
3. Technology of Viktor Fiodorovich
Shatalov (Bordovskaya, 2010; Shatalov, 1987,
1990) is based on the intensification of training
(the first place is for memorizing, learning by
heart) on the basis of schematic and symbolic
models of educational material. Conspectus, made
by the teacher, which is the result of the teacher’s
tremendous work, the method is abstract – the
result of the tremendous work the teacher, consists
of short keyword phrases (up to the individual
exclamatory words), numbers to remember,
schematic drawings, the joined by the general idea
of the material location, selection with frames and
borders, with color and accented links and arrows,
is the main part of this method.
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Foundations of the educational technology of
V.F. Shatalov may be indicated by the following
directions:
• Basic principles of technology are
“the leading role of the theoretical knowledge,”
“conflict-free”, “open” and “repetition” – these
are the development of learning theory by
L.V. Zankov.
• The categories of technology are
supportive signals and references, which are based
on the identification of an image and text. Most of
the teachers associate the system of Shatalov with
supporting abstracts, which is not quite true. The
pedagogue used the diversity of methodological
elements and many of them enriched by new
techniques.
• Monitoring
and
evaluation
of
knowledge is not only a diagnostic role, but more
psychological and motivational. From the point of
view of V.F. Shatalov, a mark (grade) is a very
delicate and powerful element that requires an
intelligent and skillful use, because otherwise
it may become an element of oppression of the
individual.
• The active involvement of parents
during the entire period of study is regardless of
the success, achievements and student age.
There are the classification parameters of the
technology of Shatalov:
the level of use – general pedagogics;
the philosophical basis – the materialist,
metaphysical, humanistic progressive
education, pragmatic;
the concept of assimilation – the
associative-reflexive;
the focus on the personality structure –
information, directed to the acquisition of
knowledge and building skills;
the nature of the content – training,
comprehensive, technocratic;
the organizational forms – traditional
class-lesson system with partial use of
small group work and elements of “tutor”
technology;
the attitude to the child – cooperation
with elements of didactic-centrism;
the predominant method – explanatory
and illustrative;
the category of educable – mass.
4. The educational technology practice of
Vasily Alexandrovich Sukhomlinsky is unlike
all the others (Sukhomlinsky, 1981). Its basic
principle is: every education – is the education
of the child’s wishes, their cultivation. In other
words, properly brought up is only that child, the
desire and the pursuit of who rely on the moral
ideal, and who acts morally not because it should
be, but because he wants to do so himself. Thus,
at the head of the educational process is put the
freedom and inner world of the child.
As the basic principles of technology of
Sukhomlinsky the following are mentioned.
• Communication of a teacher and a
student is of primary importance. They are
practically friends, build relationships on trust
and frank dialogue and understanding, up to
personal secrets and mysteries of the soul.
• The closeness to nature, which is an
active participant in the education process. There
are emotional interviews and talks outside,
students learn from the nature in the process of
knowledge, love the nature and take care about it.
• The interest in the subject matter,
according to Sukhomlinsky, is the main motion
power of knowledge, and he spared no effort or
time to motivate a student and support his interest
in keeping it going on.
• Formation of the moral ideal for the
student is for Sukhomlinsky – a teacher and a
citizen – one of the most important educational
effects of his authorial educational technology.
According to the classification of Selevko,
Sukhomlinsky system can be described as
follows.
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the level of use – general pedagogics;
the philosophical basis – idealistic,
dialectical, humanist anthroposophical,
existentialistic;
the concept of assimilation – gestalttechnology;
the focus on the personality structure –
emotional and moral;
the nature of the content – bringing up,
educational, humanitarian;
organizational forms – the traditional
class-lesson with a strong personal
direction;
the attitude to the child – person-oriented
co-operation;
the predominant method – dialogical
communicative;
the category of educable – mass, advanced
on the basis of personal approach to
children.
5. Educational System of Boris Ivanovich
Vershinin (Vershinin, 2007, Vershinin et al.,
2011) was created in the 90s of the last century.
Fundamentally new in it is the very concept
of education, defi ned by the author as “the
deliberate, controlled information impact on the
brain in order to implement its functionality,
i.e. the development, improvement of thinking,
memory, speech, and so on.” Consequently,
as the basis for the developing own teaching
practice, each teacher must use rigorous
scientific knowledge from different areas of the
human sciences: physiology, neurophysiology,
biochemistry of the body, and psychology.
As Boris Vershinin thought and confi rmed by
his example, these increased demands on the
teacher-professional are possible for any teacher
who is willing to achieve excellence for a long
time and hard work. And for the same reason,
obviously, the technology has not got the proper
distribution, despite the numerous experimental
school (several times a year) which took place
in Tomsk and Kemerovo regions, series of
lectures for teachers and students, and reports
at conferences.
We distinguish the following basic principles
of B. Vershinin.
• Technology of training should be
natural, that is constructed in accordance
with natural laws of human development as a
whole and its individual structures and systems
(especially the brain), with the age peculiarities
of the physiological and psychological features
of this development. Presentation of information
should comply with the laws of perception and
processing, to provide identity of information
formed on the concrete-figurative and conceptual
levels, to promote holistic thinking, which
includes an intuitive, imaginative, abstract and
subconscious.
• The basis of teaching and learning
process is an increasing motivating independent
activity, the level of formation of which is the
main criterion and the measure of skills of the
teacher. This is a kind of a key to achieving real
individualization of teaching.
• The richness of the information
environment, achieved by a variety of activities
(creative and reproductive, theoretical and
experimental), is provided for the student to
select. However, this choice is not free, like at
Montessori’s, but within a single discipline,
topic, and theme. The dynamism of intellectual
activity of the student is a necessary condition for
the optimum development of his higher mental
functions, the fundamental abilities.
• A variety of methodological materials:
textbooks, manuals, original authorial problem
books, photo-, video-, audio materials, interactive
installations and more. Boris Ivanovich himself,
being a physics teacher, has created many
proprietary school of physical devices, some
of them marked by the Exhibition of Economic
Achievements medals. Informational material
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plays a dual role: it is a tool for the functionality
of the brain and provides memory with vital
knowledge.
• Education is based on the emotional
and semantic memory in which information is
absorbed much faster than during the mechanical
memorizing. The learning process takes place
in a comfortable psychological, emotional, and
well-balanced environment.
• Assessment of mental activity is
determined by the success, but not shortcomings
and mistakes. They are natural and inevitable,
therefore, they are not punished.
Here are the qualifying features of
technology Vershinin:
the level of use– general pedagogics;
the philosophical basis – dialectical
materialism, humanistic progressive
education and in accordance with nature,
pragmatic;
the concept of assimilation – the
associative-reflexive,
internalizational
with elements of stage formation of
mental actions;
the focus on the personality structure –
information
and
operating,
the
application;
the nature of the content – training,
comprehensive, technocratic;
organizational forms – the traditional classlesson with active use of hardware and
system elements “tutor” and “consultant”;
the attitude to the child – person-oriented
co-operation;
the predominant method – creative
problem-based learning technology;
the category of educable – mass.
Conclusions
Comparison of the classification parameters
shows that, taking a well-defi ned niche, all the
mentioned technologies are directed at the
formation and development of creative abilities
of the child.
The presented system of Vershinin fits well
into this series of pedagogical practices, comparing
favorably with the scientific foundations of used
method, which is based on modern achievements
of science in the sphere of brain and human. This
fact allows us to say, that the system of Vershinin
is a prototype of the natural training technologies,
and recommend it for a wide use, regardless of
age of a student (from infant to adult), nor of the
subject area.
Work performed under the state budget theme
8.5591 “Building an open system of education at
the technical university of technology based on
the natural learning and cognitive activity.”
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Педагогическая технология Б.И. Вершинина:
содержание и возможности
С.Н. Постникова, А.В. Андриенкоб
а
Томский государственный
архитектурно-строительный университет
Россия 634003, Томск, пл. Соляная, 2
б
Национальный исследовательский
Томский государственный университет
Россия 634050, Томск, пр. Ленина, 36
В статье изложены основные положения педагогической технологии Б.И. Вершинина,
в основе которой лежит методика реализации функциональных возможностей мозга.
Сравнительный анализ с распространенными педагогическими практиками позволяет
рекомендовать ее для широкого использования на всех этапах обучения.
Ключевые слова: педагогическая технология, педагогическая система, методика обучения.
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Journal of Siberian Federal University. Humanities & Social Sciences 5 (2013 6) 762-772
~~~
УДК 911.3:301
The Results of Theoretical and Experimental Research
of the Modern Problems of the Indigenous
Small-Numbered Peoples of the North, Siberia
and the Far East in Siberian Federal University
Natalia P. Koptseva*
Siberian Federal University
79 Svobodny, Krasnoyarsk, 660041 Russia
Received 13.10.2012, received in revised form 11.01.2013, accepted 20.03.2013
Siberian Federal University, is a regular organizer of research contemporary issues of Indigenous
Peoples of the North, Siberia and the Far East. This article summarizes research over the past 4
years. Research scientists, graduate students of the Siberian Federal University have a fundamental
and applied nature. The results of these studies are used in the educational process for students. Basic
and applied research of the northern territories are based on field research. Currently committed
six interdisciplinary expeditions to the northern villages. Based on the research done and provide
recommendations for government and municipal authorities. These recommendations should lead to a
better quality of life for people living in the northern territories of the Russian Federation.
Keywords: northern territories, research indigenous peoples of the North, Siberian Federal
University.
The work was fulfilled within the framework of the research financed by the Krasnoyarsk Regional
Foundation of Research and Technology Development Support and in accordance with the course
schedule of Siberian Federal University as assigned by the Ministry of Education and Science of the
Russian Federation.
1. The systematization
and preliminary estimation
of the obtained results
At the second intermediate stage of the
State Сontract № П 440 from 12 May, 2010,
on the project “Culture of the Indigenous and
small-numbered peoples of the North under the
conditions of global changes: foresight-research
until 2050 (on the material of analysis of the Yakut
ethnical group)”, theoretical and experimental
research was done. The research was aimed
*
at developing conceptual and methodological
base for conducting foresight-research and
eliciting basic models of sociodynamics of
ethnic cultural populations as anthropological
systems. Experimental verification of the elicited
conceptual models was carried out by means of
field research—ethno-cultural expeditions into
the areas of compact settlement of the indigenous
and small-numbered peoples of the North—
Tyuchtetskij district, the Evenk municipal
district, Turukhansk district of Krasnoyarsk
© Siberian Federal University. All rights reserved
Corresponding author E-mail address: decanka@mail.ru
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Krai; an ethno-cultural expedition to the areas of
compact settlement of the Yakut ethnic group in
the trans-polar settlement (posyolok ) of Essey of
Krasnoyarsk Krai has been prepared.
A conception of originating, consolidation,
existence and perishing of ethno-cultural
population as a result of sociodynamics, which is
viewed in the light of the process of formation of
ideals, i. e. creating works of art and translating
canons, ranging from everyday culture of ethnic
groups to basic (primary) ideals of this ethnic
group, which form its “hard core”. The “hard
core” of a culture is surrounded by a “protective
belt” of standards, which obligatory have material
and spiritual components. In view of this fact,
the division of the ethnic culture into material
and spiritual should be substituted by reference
to the basic ideals of the ethno-cultural group,
which have linguistic, religious and artistic
aspects, revealing traditional ways of managing
a household and specific ways of formation of
ideological space of the ethnic culture, within
which ethnic identification and self-identification
are formed.
As a result of further theoretical research,
the classical philosophic and culturalanthropological models of sociodynamics of
ethnic cultural populations, based on philosophic
and culturological ideas of W.Windelband,
H. Rickert, S. Freud, O. Spengler, A. Toynbee,
L. White, A. Kroeber, C. Geertz, were elicited.
The model of sociodynamics of culture
was studied in the interpretations of A. Mole,
W. Weidlich, H. McLuhan, M. Castells. All these
interpretations can, to some extent, be regarded
as basis for choosing a methodological strategy
for the research of culture of the indigenous and
small-numbered peoples of the North under the
conditions of global transformations, because
they suggest using quantitative (materiatical)
methods for modeling dynamics of a complex
socio-anthropological system—ethnic cultural
population. Different classes of variables,
connected with demographic, economic and
sociological characteristics of social dynamics
of culture of ethnic populations, typical for the
indigenous and small-numbered peoples of the
North, living in areas of compact settlement in
the subjects of Russian Federation, are used in
these models.
The following models of sociodynamics
of ethnic cultural populations, which can be
used as effective methodological strategies in
the research of culture of the indigenous and
small-numbered peoples of the North under the
conditions of global transformations and serve
as a basis of foresight-research until 2050, can
be found in the modern information sources: the
model of multiculturalism (by S. M. Fedyanina),
the model of indigenuity (by M.S. Kuropyatnik),
the model of interdependence of individual and
universal factors of the dynamics of culture,
the model of dynamics of culture depending on
the type of activity of its subjects, the energy
model of sociodynamics of culture, the model of
indigenous peoples in modern humanitarian and
social sciences.
To conduct a foresight-research until 2050
of culture of the indigenous and small-numbered
peoples of the North under the conditions of
global transformations, it was necessary to study
the history and policy of foresight-research in
the USA, Canada, the EU countries and Japan,
in which foresight-research practices were first
developed. The advantage of these foresightresearch practices over the other research
procedures is that not only theoretical and
experimental research is carried out, but also
special technologies are implemented, which
help to “start” a desirable model of future for
realization by social and individual subjects in
the direction, set by the foresight research.
It turned out, that socio-cultural processes
were not taken into account by foresight-
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research of foreign countries (the USA, Canada,
Japan, the EU countries). While the foresightresearch, conducted in the subjects of the Russian
Federation, on the contrary, is characterized by
special attention to socio-cultural processes,
typical for these regions of the Russian Federation.
In this connection, extrapolation of the best
achievements of foreign foresight-research is
planned in order to forecast the socio-cultural
processes, characteristic of the indigenous and
small-numbered peoples of the Russian Federation.
Notwithstanding the close attention of the world
community to socio-economic and socio-cultural
development of indigenous peoples, foresightresearch has not been conducted in these spheres.
The prospective foresight- research of culture of
IPN will be practically the first of its kind in the
world research practice.
To make a preliminary analysis of the real
state of cultural processes, characteristic of the
modern ethno-cultural groups, belonging to the
indigenous and small-numbered peoples of the
North, experimental research was conducted –
the field ethno-cultural expeditions, which
demonstrated an extremely low level of real
socio-economic and socio-cultural development
of the indigenous ethno-cultural groups in the
areas of their compact settlement in the subjects
of the Russian Federation.
At the same time, the processes of active
formation of national elites of the indigenous
peoples were registered, that act as representatives
of their small-numbered peoples, have vast
international support, know international and
national laws, regulating the conditions of IPN
in Scandinavia, China, the USA. These national
leaders have formulated a set of demands to
the state, the main idea of which is in transition
from paternalism to legal equality and economic
cooperation. It seems that by means of
acknowledging the rights of the indigenous and
small-numbered peoples for the areas of their
traditional use of nature, the state authorities
can build up a dialogue with financial-industrial
groups, that realize their capital investment
projects on the northern territories of the
Russian Federation and that have big economic
possibilities to contribute to real improvement
of socio-economic and cultural conditions of
IPN, not by “dealing out gifts”, but by financing
projects, the realization of which will create a
favourable economic climate for IPN indirectly,
through their participation in these projects.
2. Evaluation of completeness
of performance of the tasks
and fulfillment of the objectives set
The tasks, assigned for the second
intermediate stage, have been performed
completely; the declared objectives have been
fulfilled. The above mentioned methods were
applied, the scope of experimental research was
widened considerably in comparison to the one
planned. The logic of carrying out the project
demanded verification of theoretical schemes,
concepts of models with the help of field research,
where the necessary cultural-anthropological
measurements were taken, which allow to
empirically verify the obtained theoretical data,
revise and evaluate the quality of the existing
philosophical
and
cultural-anthropological
models.
3. Correlating and summarizing
the results of the analysis of scientific
information sources
|and theoretical (experimental) research
Although the conception of culture as
formation of ideals has logical and philosophical
base in the existing sources of scientific information
and synthesizes the conceptions, characteristic of
the previous stages of development of Russian
and world philosophy of culture, it seems that
the heuristic possibilities of this conception have
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not been used to their full extent up to the present
time.
For example, in Russian information sources,
ethnic culture is still divided into material
and spiritual, whereas the theory of formation
of ideals convincingly proves that standards,
ideals and representatives of a particular ethnocultural group obligatory have two sides:
material and ideal (sign-symbolic). Ignoring this
fact leads to incorrect methodological premise,
when different humanitarian and social sciences
are disconnected and study a specific cultural
ethno-population discretely, without taking into
account the discoveries and achievements of one
another.
At the same time, the conception of formation
of ideals and representation of culture through
revered things –ideals, standards -- allows to
review the results of the previous stages of the
research, because a certain artistic, ethnographic,
theological and linguistic material, characteristic
of culture of northern peoples, has been collected.
It is necessary to decipher the sign-symbolic
meaning of the collected artefacts. Such kind
of research, merely by means of its conducting,
contributes to the preservation of a hard core of
the unique ethnic cultures of the northern peoples
of the Russian Federation.
Besides, the conception of culture as formation
of ideals does not contradict, but rather assists the
development of theoretical models, characteristic
of modern information sources, including the
model of indigenuity (M.S. Kuropyatnik) and
the model of multiculturalism (S.M. Fedyunina),
which possess undeniable heuristic value for
solution of the assigned problems.
All-in-all, it should be noted that there are
no strongly pronounced contradictions between
the results of theoretical research and the critical
analysis of modern sources. The urgency of
the research topic demands active formation of
numerous research approaches, which is being
done at the present time. Besides, it is necessary to
mention that the number of research of culture of
the indigenous and small-numbered peoples of the
North, living in the areas of compact settlement
in the subjects of the Russian Federation, is
obviously insufficient. Regular field research
have not been carried out for a long time; there
are no modern instruments for measuring the
level of cultural development of the indigenous
peoples of the North, which makes ethnological
expertise of big investment projects, conducted
in these regions of the Russian Federation, much
more difficult.
4. The estimation of the effectiveness
of the obtained results in comparison
with modern scientificand-technological level
The obtained results are estimated as very
effective because they act as a basis for conducting
a unique scientific research—foresight-research
of culture of the northern peoples of the Russian
Federation.
Complex ethno-cultural field research has
not been carried out in the areas of compact
settlement of the northern peoples on the territory
of some subjects of the Russian Federation since
the 1980s. On the one hand, renewal of regular
field research and making theoretical research,
based on summarizing the empirical material,
obtained in the course of field research, is a
practice (based on the achievements of British
social anthropology and American cultural
anthropology), which is in the biggest demand in
the world cultural-anthropological community.
On the other hand, this allows to effectively
prepare for developing of concrete methodical
procedures of foresight-analysis, because at
the present time there is no information about
foresight-analysis for the northern territories.
So, the conducted theoretical and
experimental research has a strongly pronounced
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innovative character, makes it possible to
establish a certain level of the state of culture of
the indigenous and small-numbered peoples of
the North of the Russian Federation, and it is also
an effective means of preserving of the unique
ethnic culture of these peoples.
5. Working out recommendations
on the use of scientific research work (NIR)
in developing scientific-educational courses
It is recommended to use the results of
the second intermediate stage of scientific
–research work on the grant project “Culture
of the indigenous and small-numbered peoples
of the North under the conditions of global
changes: foresight-research until 2050 (on the
material of the analysis of the Yakut ethnical
group)” in realization of main educational
programs of higher vocational education
(OOP VPO) in specializations (degree
programs)
“culturology”,
“socio-cultural
activity”, “art studies”.
For the specialization (degree program)
“culturology” the federal component of the State
Educational Standard specifies the following
educational subjects as “Theory and methodology
of culture”, “Sociology of culture”, “Philosophy
of culture”, “Everyday culture”, “Management of
culture”. For these subjects, it is recommended to
use the results of scientific research work (NIR)
in the following format:
1. To introduce into the educational subject
“Theory and methodology of culture” 8
hours of lectures on the topic: “Models
of sociodynamics of culture as socioanthropological system”, 6 hours of
seminars on the topics: “The model of
sociodynaics of culture by A. Moles” (
2 hours), “The model of sociodynamics
by M. Castells” (2 hours), “The model of
sociodynamics of culture by W. Weidlich”
(2 hours).
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2. To introduce into the educational subject
“Sociology of culture” 6 hours of class
work on the topic “Sociological concepts
of culture of the indigenous and smallnumbered peoples of the North”, 4 hours
of seminars on the topics : “The model of
multiculturalism” (2 hours), “The model
of indigenuity” (2 hours).
3. To introduce into the educational subject
“Philosophy of culture” 10 hours of lectures
on the topics “The philosophy of culture
by W. Windelband as a methodological
basis for modern cultural anthropological
research” (2 hours); “The philosophy of
culture by O. Spengler in the context of
the Western foreign-civilization pressure
on the indigenous and small-numbered
peoples of the North of the Russian
Federation” (2 hours), “The philosophy of
culture by A. Toynbee and its conceptual
meaning for research of culture of
circumpolar territories” (2 hours), “The
possibilities of psychoanalysis of S. Freud
for creating modern methodological
strategies of philosophy of culture” (2
hours), “The philosophy of culture by
L. White as a theoretical basis for modern
cultural anthropology of northern ethnic
groups” (2 hours).
4. To introduce into the educational subject
“Everyday culture” 4 hours of lectures
on the topic “Everyday culture of the
indigenous and small-numbered peoples
of the North of the Russian Federation
on the material of the ethno-cultural
expeditions of the scientists of Siberian
Federal University in June, 2010”.
5. To introduce into the educational subject
“Management of culture” 4 hours of
classes on the topics: “The specifics
of cultural processes in the northern
territories of the Russian Federation”
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(2 hours), “Cultural-leisure preferences of
the population of the northern territories
of the Russian Federation in the areas of
compact settlement of the indigenous and
small-numbered peoples of the North” (2
hours).
For the specialization (degree program)
“socio-cultural activity” the federal component
of the State Educational Standard specifies such
educational subjects as “Socio-cultural activity”,
“Cultural and leisure activity”, “The basics of
cultural policy”. For these educational subjects
it recommended to use the results of scientific
research work (NIR) in the following format:
1. To introduce into the educational subject
“Socio-cultural activity” 4 hours of
lectures on the topic “The specifics of
socio-cultural activity in the northern
regions of the Russian Federation” (2
hours); “Socio-cultural activity for the
indigenous and small-numbered peoples
of the North, Siberia and the Far East of
the Russian Federation” (2 hours).
2. To introduce into the educational
subject “Socio-cultural activity” 2 hours
of lectures on the topic “ Measuring
materials for monitoring of cultural and
leisure needs of the indigenous and smallnumbered peoples of the North of the
Russian Federation”; 4 hours of seminars
on the topics: “Methods of socio-cultural
monitoring of cultural and leisure needs
of ethno-cultural groups of the northern
territories of the Russian Federation”
(2 hours), “Methods of conducting of
sociological and cultural research of
leisure in the areas of compact settlement
of the Indigenous ethnic groups of the
Russian Federation” (2 hours).
3. To introduce into the educational subject
“The basics of cultural policy” 2 hours
of lectures on the topic “The specifics
of cultural policy in the regions of the
Russian Federation—in the areas of
compact settlement of the Indigenous and
small-numbered peoples of the North,
Siberia and the Far East”; 4 hours of
seminars on the topic: “Legal provisions
for cultural policy by the local authorities
of the subjects of the Russian Federation”
in the areas of compact settlement of
the indigenous northern peoples” (2
hours), “Monitoring of effectiveness of
cultural policy in the northern regions
of the Russian Federation, in the areas of
compact settlement of the indigenous and
small-numbered peoples of the North,
Siberia and the Far East” (2 hours).
For the specialization (degree program)
“arts studies” the federal component of the
State Educational Standard specifies such
educational subjects as “History the art of our
country”, “Decorative and applied arts”. For
these educational subjects it recommended to use
the results of scientific research work (NIR) in
the following format:
1. To introduce into the educational subject
“History of the art of our country” 4 hours
of lectures on the topic “Visualization of
the concept “the North” in the works of
modern Russian artists” (2 hours), “The
specifics of landscape painting on the
material of the North” (2 hours), 6 hours of
seminars on the topics: “Northern topics
in the works of modern Russian artists”
(2 hours), “The concept “the North” and
its visualization in the art of our country
in the second half of the 20 century” (2
hours), “ Visualization of the concept “the
North” in the art of our country of the first
decade of the 21 century” (2 hours).
2. To introduce into the educational subject
“Decorative and applied arts” 4 hours
of lectures on the topic “Decorative and
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applied arts of the northern ethno-cultural
groups of the Russian Federation” (2
hours), “religious signs and symbols
in decorative and applied arts of the
indigenous peoples of the North” (2
hours).
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Результаты теоретических
и экспериментальных исследований
«Современные проблемы коренных
малочисленных народов Севера, Сибири
и Дальнего Востока»
в Сибирском федеральном университете
Н.П. Копцева
Сибирский федеральный университет
Россия 660041, Красноярск, Свободный, 79
Сибирский федеральный университет является постоянным организатором научных
исследований современных проблем коренных малочисленных народов Севера, Сибири
и Дальнего Востока. В статье подводятся итоги исследований за последние 4 года.
Исследования ученых, студентов, аспирантов Сибирского федерального университета имеют
фундаментальный и прикладной характер. Результаты этих исследований используются в
образовательном процессе для студентов. Фундаментальные и прикладные исследования
северных территорий опираются на полевые исследования. В настоящее время совершено
6 комплексных экспедиций в северные поселки. На основании научных исследований сделаны
и представлены рекомендации для органов государственной и муниципальной власти. Эти
рекомендации должны привести к улучшению качества жизни населения, проживающего на
северных территориях Российской Федерации.
Ключевые слова: северные территории, научные исследования коренных народов, народы
Севера, Сибирский федеральный университет.
Работа выполнена в рамках исследований, финансируемых Красноярским краевым фондом
поддержки научной и научно-технической деятельности, а также в рамках тематического
плана СФУ по заданию Министерства образования и науки Российской Федерации.
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