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Central institutions /Institutions centrales
ALDRICH, John H. ; THOMSEN, Danielle M. — Party,
policy, and the ambition to run for [US] higher office. Legislative Studies Quarterly 42(2), May 2017 : 321-343.
This article examines why some state legislators run for [US] Congress
and others do not. Our main argument is that there are differences in the
expected value of a state legislative seat and the expected benefits of
being a member of Congress. One key component of this value is how
closely the candidate fits with her party. We find that the probability of
seeking congressional office increases among state legislators who are
distant from the state party and proximate to the congressional party and
decreases among those who are distant from the congressional party
and proximate to the state party. [R]
Laurence J., Jr. — Managing in the regulatory thicket:
regulation legitimacy and expertise. Public Administration
Review 77(3), May/June 2017 : 381-394.
This article investigates how the understanding of and attitudes toward
government regulation among public, nonprofit, and for-profit managers
affect organizational performance, using US nursing homes as the
empirical setting. Findings suggest that managers’ perceptions of regulation legitimacy positively affect service quality. Subgroup analysis suggests that managers’ views of regulation matter in nonprofit and for-profit
organizations but not in public organizations. In nonprofit homes, performance declines when managers report higher regulatory expertise. In
for-profit facilities, frequent communication with regulators lowers quality.
These findings suggest that the regulated entities’ views of government
regulation are central to their success, which necessitates improvements
in the regulatory process. [R, abr.]
ANTIĆ GABER, Milica ; SELIŠNIK, Irena — The Slovene
version of a “fast track” to political equality. Teorija in
Praksa, 2017(2) : 337-354.
After the first multi-party election in the Slovene National Assembly the
share of women MPs dropped dramatically and did not substantially
change during the following two decades. This led to a debate among
feminist activists and scholars and left-oriented female politicians regarding the absence of effective measures to improve the situation. The
voluntary quotas adopted by center and left-wing parties did not yield
visible progress on the presence of women in important political bodies,
as these parties’ gatekeepers did not fully respect their own rules when
composing candidate lists. It was only when legal quotas were introduced that significant changes occurred in the share of women at the
highest levels of Slovene politics. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.5704]
ANTWI-BOASIAKO, Kwame Badu — The affirmative action
policy: a tale of two nations and the implementation conundrum. Journal of Comparative Politics 10(2), July 2017 :
The enforcement of affirmative action programs such as quotas has not
only generated endless debate in many countries but has also encountered resistance from those, usually conservatives, who question the
fairness of such a program or policy. Brazil and the US are two of the
destinations for enslaved people of African descent who were, on their
arrival to their new countries, treated as second-class citizens and had to
endure institutional, political, and legalized structural racism and discrimination in high education. This paper provides some of the definitions of
affirmative action found in the literature and discusses the struggles of
the Brazilian government is using to addressing past discrimination in
university admissions. [R, abr.]
ARENDS, Helge — More with less? Fiscal decentralisation, public health spending and health sector performance. Swiss Political Science Review 23(2), June 2017 :
Decentralization is considered a panacea for deficient public-sector
performance by many. However, recent trends of health sector recentralization in several OECD countries suggest the opposite. Taking on a
cross-country perspective, I examine two hypotheses, namely that
decentralization leads to an increase in public health spending (H1) and
to poor health sector outcomes (H2). The evidence I present suggests
that decentralizing spending tends to lead to larger public health sectors
and to poorer health sector outcomes. However, decentralizing tax
authority has no effect on the size of the health sector and may actually
have a positive effect on health sector performance. The broader lesson
is that sector-specific insights can reveal a more nuanced view on the
consequences of fiscal decentralization. [R, abr.]
ARNOLD, Christian ; DOYLE, David ; WIESEHOMEIER, Nina
— Presidents, policy compromise, and legislative success. Journal of Politics 79(2), Apr. 2017 : 380-395.
Presidents play a central role in legislative activity in Latin America.
Previous research highlights that some form of ideological compromise
on behalf of the president is vital to sustain successful legislative coalitions. Yet, primarily due to the lack of a firm empirical basis on which to
measure such presidential give-and-take, the extent to which presidents
make use of such policy compromise, and under what conditions this is a
viable strategy, remains unknown. Applying quantitative text-analysis to
305 annual “state of the union” addresses of 73 presidents in 13 Latin
American countries, we provide comparable time-series data for Latin
American presidential movements in a one-dimensional issue-space
between 1980 and 2014. [R, abr.]
ASKIM, Jostein ; KARLSEN, Rune ; KOLLTVEIT, Kristoffer —
Political appointees in executive government: exploring
and explaining roles using a large-N survey in Norway.
Public Administration 95(2), 2017 : 342-358.
Political appointees in executive government have received increased
scholarly attention in recent years. However, few studies have covered
non-Westminster systems, and apart from classifications that systemize
variation in assignments, theorizing about appointees has been limited.
Using large-N survey data, the article finds three distinct roles among
political appointees in Norway: "stand in", "media adviser" and "political
coordinator". The article then combines insights from research on political
appointees with insights from core executive studies (CES) to explain
why political appointees perform one role or another. The empirical
results support the notion that roles of appointees within the core executive depend on where they sit, supporting the asymmetric power model
within CES. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.5468]
AZPITARTE SÁNCHEZ, Miguel — La formación de Gobierno en el nuevo contexto multipartido. Crónica política y
legislativa del año 2016 (The composition of government
in a new multiparty context political and legislative
chronicle of 2016 [in Spain]). Revista española de Derecho
constitucional 109, Jan.-Apr. 2017 : 181-214.
This paper starts from the new political texture built after the December
elections of 2015, where a bipartisan system was replace by a multiparty
system. From this premise, the essay analyzes the efforts to establish the
new rules of the political praxis. Therefore, it takes account of the fail
attempt to base a "majority of wide spectrum" or a "cross government",
and finishes on the process that took M. Rajoy to a minority government.
The last point goes through the different constitutional conceptions
planned on the investiture and the control of government. [R]
BARNSLEY, Kathryn ; WALTERS, E. Haydn ; WOODBAKER, Richard — Political barriers to evidence-based
tobacco control policy: cronyism and cognitive dissonance, a Tasmanian case study. Evidence and Policy 13(2),
May 2017 : 343-364.
Tasmania led in several areas of tobacco-control legislation reform in the
period 1997 to 2010. Despite this, Tasmania lagged in other crucial
areas, particularly the allocation of resources for community education,
mass media campaigns and cessation programs. Key impediments were
crony capitalism; the conservative ideology of “white male” politicians;
cognitive dissonance of smoking politicians; a lack of perception of
priority regarding the scientific research evidence about smoking risk;
and delays caused by the tobacco industry. This study analyzes the
Institutions politiques et administratives
political situation in Tasmania and argues that evidence-based progress
on tobacco-control resource-allocation was not established until 2013.
BECKMANN, Matthew N. ; CHATURVEDI, Neilan S. ; GARCIA, Jennifer Rosa — Targeting the treatment: the strategy behind Lyndon Johnson's lobbying. Legislative Studies
Quarterly 42(2), May 2017 : 211-234.
Lyndon Johnson woke up studying whip counts, went to bed reading
the Congressional Record, and invested countless hours in between
translating that political intelligence into a lobbying offensive. The result,
famously christened “The Johnson Treatment”, remains the archetype
practitioners and political scientists cite when appraising presidential
leadership on Capitol Hill. Yet Beltway folklore aside, we know little about
how LBJ helped forge winning legislative coalitions. Stepping back from
the (countless) colorful anecdotes, this study offers a new and systematic look at Johnson's lobbying. Specifically, after exploring theoretical
models of presidential coalition-building, we then investigate their operational tenets using original data on all President Johnson's contacts,
with each member of Congress, in both chambers, for every day he was
president. [R]
BEIM, Deborah — Learning in the judicial hierarchy.
Journal of Politics 79(2), Apr. 2017 : 591-604.
I argue the [US] Supreme Court learns to craft legal rules by relying on
the Courts of Appeals as laboratories of law, observing their decisions
and reviewing those that best inform legal development. I develop a
model that shows how the Supreme Court leverages multiple Courts of
Appeals decisions to identify which will be most informative to review,
and what decision to make upon review. Because an unbiased judge
makes an extreme decision only when there is an imbalance in the
parties’ evidence, the Supreme Court is able to draw inferences from
cases it chooses not to review. The results shed light on how hierarchy
eases the inherent difficulty and uncertainty of crafting law and on how
the Supreme Court learns to create doctrine. [R]
; MUKHERJEE, Jhumpa — Indian federalism at the crossroads: limits of the territorial management of ethnic conflict. India Review 16(1), Jan.-March 2017 : 149-178.
This article critically examines territorial strategies adopted by the Indian
state to accommodate territorially concentrated minority groups in two
very recent cases: the formation of Telangana (2014) and the Bodoland
Territorial Council (BTC) (2003). We situate both cases within the broader context of linguistic state reorganization in India since the 1950s. We
argue that while the formation of states on the basis of linguistic principle
was necessary given the long history of demand for linguistic states in
India, it is, as Telangana and BTC clearly bear out, not sufficient to
accommodate minorities. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.5521]
BLANCO VALDÉS, Roberto Luis — El año que vivimos
peligrosamente: del bipartidismo imperfecto a la perfecta
ingobernabilidad (The year of living dangerously: from
imperfect bipartidism to perfect ungovernability [in
Spain]). Revista española de Derecho constitucional 109,
Jan.-Apr. 2017 : 63-96.
The changes that have taken place in the Spanish party system after
both legislative elections celebrated in 2015 have modified the functioning of the Spanish parliamentary system. This work analyzes those
changes and its consequences in the governability area and proposes a
reform on the election system of the prime minister established in the
Spanish Constitution. [R]
BOATENG, Oheneba A. — Donor-induced depoliticisation
of development implementation: the case of Ghana’s
Compact I. Development in Practice 27(3), May 2017 : 368379.
Based on empirical evidence from a donor-funded project in Ghana, this
article demonstrates that when development implementation is depoliticized, targets will likely be achieved within budget and on time. Funded
and supervised by the Millennium Challenge Corporation of the US,
Ghana Compact I has been recommended as a model for future development implementation. This article explains this success, compared to
select social programs. It argues that Compact I was implemented
successfully because it was insulated from political interference, and
suggests that donor-induced depoliticization offers a route to successful
development implementation in recipient countries. [R]
BÖLLER, Florian ; SIEWERT, Markus B. — 100 Tage Donald J. Trump. Eine frühe Bewertung einer (ausser)-
gewöhnlichen Präsidentschaft (100 days Donald J.
Trump. An early evaluation of an (extra-)ordinary presidency). Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfragen 48(2), 2017 : 329349.
Comparing Trump’s achievements in his first hundred days with those of
his predecessors, the picture regarding the realm of domestic policies
looks ambivalent. [His] political agenda has seen failures (e.g., executive
orders stopped by court ruling on immigration, a failed attempt to repeal
and replace Obamacare), but also some successes, such as the nomination of Neil Gorsuch for the [US] Supreme Court. In all this, the structural
constraints of separated institutions sharing powers are clearly visible.
The hyperpolarization of parties in Congress is just one element. Moreover, Trump’s use of unilateral tools fits into the general trend of presidents trying to increase their political leverage over the last decades.
Uncommon are new communication strategies to present “alternative
facts. [R, abr.]
BURNS, Sarah — Debating war powers: battles in the
Clinton and Obama administrations. Political Science
Quarterly 132(2), Summer 2017 : 203-223.
The author challenges the concept that presidential overreach has
eroded the separation of powers in the realm of warfare. She argues that
rather than causing the erosion, [US] presidents have responded to
Congress’s reluctance to deliberate about military affairs. They have
relied increasingly on questionable legal justifications from executive
branch lawyers. [R]
CARAYANNOPOULOS, George — Whole of government:
the solution to managing crises? Australian Journal of
Public Administration 76(2), June 2017 : 251-265.
The frequency and severity of natural disasters has placed a clear emphasis on the role of governments in responding to these crises. During
the past decade, disaster events have had a significant impact on the
relevant communities as well as raising questions regarding the role of
government and the bureaucratic coordination of planning and response
processes. These events have placed a renewed focus on the ability of
governments to plan, prepare, and respond in an effective way to crises.
They have also tended to indicate that there remain serious challenges to
government coordination and that crises create a unique series of challenges for the public sector. At the heart of understanding how governments respond to crises are notions of bureaucratic coordination. [R,
CARRILLO, Marc — Las atribuciones del Gobierno en
funciones (The powers of the [Spanish] transitional government). Revista española de Derecho constitucional 109,
Jan.-Apr. 2017 : 121-154.
The delimitation of the powers of the transitional government has a great
constitutional relevance. It is a typical institution in parliamentary forms of
government in circumstances of political crisis. It finds its foundation in
the principle of responsibility of the institutions and in the principle of
continuity of the State. The power of co-decision of Spain in the institutions of the EU requires that the criteria of urgency and guarantee of
general interest that are applied at the state level also extend to the
European sphere. [R]
Andrew — All the president's senators: presidential copartisans and the allocation of federal grants. Legislative
Studies Quarterly 42(2), May 2017 : 269-294.
Previous scholarship argues that [US] House members' partisan relationship to the president is among the most important determinants of the
share of federal dollars they bring home to their constituents. Do presidential politics also shape distributive outcomes in the Senate? Analyzing
the allocation of more than $8.5 trillion of federal grants across the states
from 1984 to 2008, we show that presidential copartisan senators are
more successful than opposition party members in securing federal
dollars for their home states. Moreover, presidents appear to target
grants ex post to states that gain presidential copartisans in recent
elections. [R]
CHRISTIE, Tamoya A. L. ; RIOJA, Felix K. — Fiscal position
and the financing of productive government expenditures: an application to Latin America. Journal of Economic Policy Reform 20(2), June 2017 : 113-135.
Government spending on public infrastructure, education, and health
care can increase economic growth. However, the appropriate financing
depends on a country’s fiscal position. We develop a two-sector endogenous growth model to explore how variations in the composition and
Governmental and administrative institutions
financing of government expenditures affect economic growth. We find
that, when tax rates are moderate, funding public investment by raising
taxes may increase long-run growth. If existing tax rates are high, public
investment is only growth enhancing if funded by restructuring the composition of overall public spending. Additionally, public investment that is
debt financed can have adverse effects on long-run growth due to the
resulting increases in interest rates and debt-servicing costs. [R]
CHRISTOPOULOS, Dimitris — An unexpected reform in
the maelstrom of the crisis: Greek nationality in the times
of the memoranda (2010-2015). Citizenship Studies 21(4),
June 2017 : 483-494.
The article discusses an important reform of the Greek Citizenship Code,
starting from the initial introduction of the Citizenship Law in 2010, the
public debate and reactions that followed leading to its partial annulation
as unconstitutional in 2012, and finally, the developments until its restoration with a new law in 2016. This initiative introducing radical reforms
for the Greek context took place in the midst of the public debt crisis, and
thus has not been discussed accordingly. Until then, the issue of Greek
nationality represented a non-issue in the political agenda of the country.
The paper examines how such a reform is pushed forward during extremely difficult conditions, an unprecedented economic and political
crisis, coupled by the largest refugee wave in the recent history of the
country, having still an uncertain future/outcome. [R, abr.] [See Abstr.
CLARKE, Andrew J. ; JENKINS, Jeffery A. ; LOWANDE,
Kenneth S. — Tariff politics and congressional elections:
exploring the Cannon Thesis. Journal of Theoretical Politics 29(3), July 2017 : 382-414.
While a number of studies have examined the politics of tariff decisionmaking in the US, little work has examined the subsequent political
effects of tariff policy. We analyze — both theoretically and empirically —
the electoral implications of tariff revision. Specifically, we investigate the
veracity of the Cannon Thesis — the proposition advanced by Speaker
Joe Cannon in 1910 that the majority party in the US House was punished when it made major revisions to the tariff. We find that from 1877
to 1934 major tariff revisions were, on average, associated with a significant loss of votes for majority-party members — both regionally and
nationally — that translated into a loss of House seats. Our results
provide a new explanation for the delegation of tariff policymaking to the
executive branch. [R, abr.]
market agencements: solar photovoltaic policy in France.
Environmental Politics 26(3), May 2017 : 480-501.
To illuminate the changes triggered by renewable energy policy, the
evolution of solar photovoltaic policy in France is analyzed with a focus
on its central instrument, feed-in tariffs (FITs). FITs for photovoltaics
raised difficulties in many countries, but their effects were particularly
dramatic in France. Market sociology and science and technology studies are employed to describe FITs as agencements organizing the
markets and politics of electricity production. FITs are considered as
inherently unpredictable insofar as they encourage innovation and the
emergence of new actors. The ways in which three successive agencements of FITs for photovoltaics framed the politics and
economy of photovoltaics in France, and how they addressed unanticipated effects, are discussed. This is suggestive of transformations and
tensions in the construction of French energy policy. [R, abr.]
CONTEH, Felix Marco — Politics, development and the
instrumentalisation of (de)centralisation in Sierra Leone.
Review of African Political Economy 151, March 2017 : 3046.
The politics of decentralization reforms in Sierra Leone are unpredictable
and instructive. This article, based on fieldwork, analyzes party politics
within the context of decentralization, arguing that the imperatives of
post-conflict decentralization are not necessarily embedded in technical
considerations, but in processes of political compromise and accommodation. Decentralization has helped facilitate the re-emergence of the old
political order, in that the country’s main political parties have secured a
consensus through which they have reconfigured the post-conflict state
on their own terms. This study reveals that the narrative of a "divide"
within the political class is exaggerated, and illustrates the homogeneity
and interconnectedness of its interests. The extent to which the "peace"
will be sustained by this compromise is uncertain. [R, abr.]
CORMAC, Rory — Disruption and deniable interventionism: explaining the appeal of covert action and Special
Forces in contemporary British policy. International Relations 31(2), June 2017 : 169-191.
The UK has long engaged in covert action. Owing to the secrecy involved, however, such activity has consistently been excluded from
debates about Britain’s global role, foreign and security policy and military planning: an important lacuna given the controversy, risk, appeal and
frequency of covert action. Examining when, how and why covert action
is used, this article argues that contemporary covert action has emerged
from, and is shaped by, a specific context. First, a gap exists between
Britain’s perceived global responsibilities and its actual capabilities; policy
elites see covert action as able to resolve, or at least conceal, this.
Second, intelligence agencies can shape events proactively, especially at
the tactical level, while flexible preventative operations are deemed well
suited to the range of fluid threats currently faced. Third, existing Whitehall machinery makes covert action viable. [R, abr.]
CRABTREE, Charles ; NELSON, Michael J. — New evidence for a positive relationship between de facto judicial independence and state respect for empowerment
rights. International Studies Quarterly 61(1), March 2017 :
Does increased judicial independence lead to increased state respect for
empowerment rights? Initial research on this topic suggested an affirmative answer, but new data call this into question. We use new measures
and modeling approaches to re-examine the effect of de facto judicial
independence on state respect for empowerment rights. Empowerment
rights include the rights to electoral self-determination, domestic movement, foreign movement, religious freedom, freedom of speech, and
assembly and association. These rights are vital to democratic governance. They affect citizens’ fundamental relationships with their government: the ability of citizens to criticize the government, the ability to live
according to their belief systems, and their ability to seek refuge from
repressive governmental actions. Our analysis reveals a positive, and
robust, association between de facto judicial independence and state
respect for these rights. [R, abr.]
CRAFT, Jonathan — Partisan advisers and political policy
failure avoidance. Public Administration 95(2), 2017 : 327341.
Empirical examinations of partisan advisers detail significant differences
in their policy work, influence, and their patterns of interactions with other
policy actors. This raises important implications for their potential contributions to policy failure avoidance. Using recent qualitative data from
elite interviews in Canada, this study finds that advisers’ policy work
contributes to political policy failure avoidance as policy is developed.
The findings help unpack the types and nature of policy-based resource
exchanges that advisers undertake, through advisory and non-advisory
forms of policy work, that strengthen political control and manage policy
perceptions by other actors during policy development. [R] [See Abstr.
CROSBIE, Thomas ; SASS, Jensen — Governance by
scandal? Eradicating sexual assault in the US military.
Politics 37(2), May 2017 : 117-133.
This article examines the relationship between scandal and democracy
through the case of sexual assault within the US military. Scandal may
have a positive dimension in forcing tainted institutions to correct their
course. We examine how the US military responded to news reports of
sexual assault over a period of nearly four decades. During the first three
decades of this period, news reports of sexual assault were widespread
but largely ignored by military leaders. During the last decade, however,
the fact that sexual assault was endemic but largely ignored by the
armed forces triggered a scandal, one senior military figures were forced
to address. In light of this case, the article concludes that scandal can
function as a mechanism of democratic governance, where it compels
social and ethical norms to be properly enforced. [R, abr.]
DEMAJ, Labinot — What can performance information do
to [Swiss] legislators? A budget-decision experiment
with legislators. Public Administration Review 77(3),
May/June 2017 : 366-379.
Studies on the influence of performance information on budgeting decisions have produced contradictory findings. This article offers a framework of the parliamentary context that links performance information to
legislators’ budgeting decisions. The framework suggests that the impact
on politicians’ allocations will differ depending on whether performance
information is reflected in the budget proposal, whether the allocation
issue concerns a politically difficult trade-off for the decision-maker, and
whether information falls into a receptive partisan mind. The experimental
study uses 57 actual legislators. The results show that the introduction of
performance information into legislators’ deliberation process leads to
stronger deviations from the status quo allocation. This difference occurs
because performance information highlights more clearly the expected
Institutions politiques et administratives
consequences of budgetary changes and allows for more pronounced
reactions. [R, abr.] [See "Performance information impact of legislators: a
blessing or otherwise?", commentary by Michel HUISSOUD, pp. 379380]
DESHPANDE, Rajeshwari ; KAILASH, K. K. ; TILLIN, Louise
— States as laboratories: the politics of social welfare
policies in India. India Review 16(1), Jan.-March 2017 : 85105.
This article examines the role of India’s states in shaping the implementation and framing of social policy within India’s federal system. Since the
2000s, the central government has overseen a substantial expansion of
social welfare policies. Yet, it is India’s states that are responsible for
both an increasing proportion of total public expenditure on social welfare
provision as well as determining the nature and effectiveness of that
provision across space. Drawing on a comparative research program
across pairs of Indian states, three critical factors explaining how statelevel political environments shape social policy are identified: the role of
policy legacies in shaping policy frames; the role of social coalitions
underpinning political party competition; and the role of political leaders
in strengthening state capacity to achieve program goals. [R] [See Abstr.
DOBBINS, Michael — Convergent or divergent Europeanization? An analysis of higher education governance reforms in France and Italy. International Review of Administrative Sciences 83(1), March 2017 : 177-199.
This article comparatively examines the higher education reform pathways of France and Italy. Using a scheme of empirical indicators, I focus
on the divergent and convergent developments in these two countries,
which played a pioneering role in the Europeanization of higher education. While France has consistently moved closer to a market-oriented
model, legacies of academic self-rule were initially strengthened in Italy,
before recent reforms aimed to crack down on academic power abuses.
To explain these policy pathways, I pursue a dual theoretical argument
by linking institutional isomorphism with historical institutionalism. [R]
DOBBINS, Michael — Une européanisation convergente
ou divergente ? Analyse des réformes de la gouvernance
de l’enseignement supérieur en France et en Italie (Convergent or divergent Europeanization? An analysis of
higher education governance reforms in France and Italy). Revue internationale des Sciences administratives 83(1),
Mars 2017 : 181-203.
English version : see Abstr. 67.5444
EISING, Rainer ; SPOHR, Florian — The more, the merrier? Interest groups and legislative change in the public
hearings of the German parliamentary committees. German Politics 26(2), 2017 : 314-333.
The article examines the impact of organized interests on the passage of
legislation in the German Bundestag through an empirical analysis of the
position papers presented in the public hearings of its standing committees in 2011. We employ GLM regression analyses to study if interest
groups act as change agents that bring legislation closer to their own
policy preferences. We discuss two major findings that shed light on the
role of interest groups in legislation. First, business groups' opposition to
government bills triggers legislative changes because their members
control the means of production and make investment decisions. In
contrast, fundamental opposition of non-business groups has no impact.
Second, bills debated and opposed by a greater number of interest
groups undergo more changes. [R, abr.]
ENDO, Chikako ; LIM, Sang Hun — Devolving public
duties: can the social economy fulfil social rights? Policy
and Politics 45(2), Apr. 2017 : 287-302.
This paper considers the implications for social rights when welfare
provision is devolved from the state to the social economy. We bring
together the idea of social rights as claims that entail institutionalized
public duties, and that of the social economy as an institution for welfare
provision based on voluntary, associational principles. After clarifying the
tensions in rights provision within an associational framework, we argue
that future research should consider how social economy organizations
may shoulder collective duties independently, or how they could enhance
social rights within the paradigm of the welfare state. [R]
ESCRIBA-FOLCH, Abel ; KRCMARIC, Daniel — Dictators in
exile: explaining the destinations of ex-rulers. Journal of
Politics 79(2), Apr. 2017 : 560-575.
Exile has been the second most common fate for dictators who lost office
since World War II, yet scholars know little about this phenomenon. We
ask: where do exiled dictators go? We argue that three sets of factors —
transnational ties, geographic proximity, and monadic characteristics of
potential host states — influence where dictators flee. For evidence, we
use original data on exile destinations to construct a directed dyadic data
set of all autocratic rulers who fled abroad upon their ouster. We find that
dictators are more likely to go into exile in states that are close neighbors, have hosted other dictators in the past, are militarily powerful, and
possess colonial links, formal alliances, and economic ties. By contrast,
fleeing dictators tend to avoid democratic states and countries experiencing civil conflict. [R, abr.]
FARUKSHIN, M. Kh. — Institucional’nye osnovy ėtničeskih federacij (Institutional foundations of ethnic federations). Polis (Moscow), 2017(2) : 103-117.
The article analyzes institutional foundations of ethnic federations. Special attention is paid to consideration of the two key problems: instrumental role of such federations and political representation of ethnic groups,
including ethnic minorities. Ethnic federations can play positive role and
at the same time don’t exclude the risk of destabilization and separatism.
From the positive side, these federations provide for ethnic groups an
opportunity for realization of their right for self-determination up to creation of their own state or political autonomy within the framework of a
single state. Ethnic federations also broaden the opportunities for protection of culture, language, traditions and identity of ethnic minorities.
Political representation of ethnic groups has both moral and political
meaning. The author shows different means for providing political representation: proportionality, parity, quota, reserving, etc. [R, abr.]
FERREYRA, Gabriel — Judicial corruption in the Mexican
federal judiciary. Human Organization 76(2), Summer 2017 :
This article sheds light on the problem of judicial corruption in Mexico in
the federal judicial system. Using ethnographic methods, the author
interviewed forty-five individuals who were working for or studying the
federal courtrooms in six different cities in Mexico. Challenging conventional assumptions of judicial corruption in Mexico, this research reveals
that the federal judiciary is not as corrupt as thought by Mexican and
American societies. Corruption does exist, but it is not frequent, and
extensive and court employees categorize the problem in multifaceted
ways, always emphasizing the legal aspect. Issues such as nepotism,
cronyism, and influence peddling, although present, are not always
defined as corruption. [R, abr.]
FESSHA, Yonatan Tesfaye — The original sin of Ethiopian
federalism. Ethnopolitics 16(3), June 2017 : 232-245.
Territorial autonomy for ethnic groups is an important component of
Ethiopian federalism designed to deal with the challenges of ethnic
diversity. The constitutional decision to use ethnicity as a basis for the
organization of the state represents a recognition of the political relevance of ethnicity. However, the decision that each major ethnic group
should be dominant in one and only subnational unit has elevated ethnic
identity to a primary political identity. This approach overlooks other
historically and politically relevant territorial identities. The constitution
thus misses an opportunity to respond to ethnic concerns without freezing ethnicity as an exclusive political identity. [R] [See Abstr. 67.6257]
FISEHA, Assefa — Constitutional adjudication through
Second Chamber in Ethiopia. Ethnopolitics 16(3), June
2017 : 295-313.
Ethiopia has empowered its second chamber (the House of Federation
— HoF) to interpret the constitution and resolve constitutional disputes.
This article analyzes whether a majoritarian institution such as the HoF
can serve as effective mechanisms for the resolution of constitutional
disputes. While the HoF has played some role in resolving cases of high
political significance such as rights realizing local self-rule, it has of late
tilted the federal balance in favor of the center. The fact that the HoF
remained a political organ controlled by the same dominant party meant
that constitutionally entrenched civil and political rights remain without a
guardian. [R] [See Abstr. 67.6257]
FOWLER, Linda L. ; MARSHALL, Bryan W. — Veto-proof
majorities, legislative procedures, and presidential decisions, [USA] 1981-2008. Political Research Quarterly 70(2),
June 2017 : 348-362.
This paper employs new measures of positive agenda control and a
unique data-set of 3,407 nontrivial bills from 1981 to 2008 to answer two
questions: how did legislative leaders construct veto-proof coalitions, and
what did presidents do with them? Legislative leaders, we argue, de-
Governmental and administrative institutions
ployed procedures to expand and sustain veto-proof coalitions, despite
increasing polarization. The resulting history, which signaled members’
commitment to a bill, provided information to the president that reduced
uncertainty about possibilities for interbranch bargaining and the likely
success of a veto. We find that positive agenda control increased the
probability of vote tallies of two-thirds or more, especially after the 1994
election. The analysis suggests that congressional leaders paradoxically
gained capacity for nurturing large, bipartisan alliances as the institution
became more polarized. [R, abr.]
FU, Diana — Fragmented control: governing contentious
labor organizations in China. Governance 30(3), July
2017 : 445-462.
How does an authoritarian state govern contentious civil society and
what are the effects on grassroots mobilization? This article theorizes the
relationship between repression and mobilization by examining the case
of informal labor organizations in South China that threaten social stability. Findings based on 18 months of ethnographic fieldwork inside these
organizations suggest that the central state's mandate to maintain social
stability is refracted through the interests and capabilities of local agencies. This results in “fragmented control”: divergent, even conflicting,
forms of state governance over civil society. Local authorities work at
cross-purposes by simultaneously repressing, co-opting, and neglecting
underground organizing. Fragmented control generates political uncertainty on the part of activists and induces them to engage in “censored
entrepreneurialism”. [R]
GALLEGO, Aina ; MARX, Paul — Multi-dimensional preferences for labour market reforms: a conjoint experiment. Journal of European Public Policy 24(7), 2017 : 10271047.
Labor market policies are multi-dimensional: their design depends on
factors such as generosity, coverage, the combination of active and
passive elements, and overall cost. Political conflict on one dimension
often hides agreement on others, and social groups possibly care about
different aspects of policies. However, most empirical studies treat policy
preferences as unidimensional. This article utilizes a novel experimental
conjoint design to assess how five dimensions affect support for labor
market policies in Spain. It also assesses if individuals’ self-interest and
ideology affect the importance of each dimension for support for a policy.
We find that individuals’ support depends mostly on the generosity of
policies for the most destitute and on funding. We also find that ideology
shapes which dimensions of policy citizens care most about, but economic self-interest does not. [R, abr.]
GALLEGO, Aina ; MARX, Paul — Multi-dimensional preferences for labour market reforms: a conjoint experiment. Journal of European Public Policy 24(7), 2017 : 10271047.
Labor market policies are multi-dimensional: their design depends on
factors such as generosity, coverage, the combination of active and
passive elements, and overall cost. Political conflict on one dimension
often hides agreement on others, and social groups possibly care about
different aspects of policies. However, most empirical studies treat policy
preferences as unidimensional. This article utilizes a novel experimental
conjoint design to assess how five dimensions affect support for labor
market policies in Spain. It also assesses if individuals’ self-interest and
ideology affect the importance of each dimension for support for a policy.
We find that individuals’ support depends mostly on the generosity of
policies for the most destitute and on funding. We also find that ideology
shapes which dimensions of policy citizens care most about, but economic self-interest does not. [R, abr.]
GALLINAT, Anselma — The local Aufarbeitung (reworking) of the SED-dictatorship: governing memory to
save the future. European Politics and Society 18(1), Apr.
2017 : 96-109.
The East German past has been the focus of much debate and scholarly
work in Germany since unification in 1990. The government-sponsored
discourse on this past, Vergangenheitsaufarbeitung, the "re-working of
the past", presents the GDR as the "SED-dictatorship". In constructing
the East German past as part of Germany’s dictatorial past the discourse
of Aufarbeitung legitimizes German unification and the transition to
democracy. This paper explores how local governmental institutions
attempt to realize the national and authoritative discourse of Aufarbeitung. Drawing on ethnographic research it discusses two projects realized by the "Working Group Aufarbeitung" on the topic of everyday life in
socialism which provides both a challenge — to the categorical certainties of the discourse’s narratives — and an opportunity — to attract a
wider audience — for this political field of memory-work. [R, abr.] [See
Abstr. 67.5501]
GAVA, Roy, et al. — Interests groups in Parliament: exploring [Swiss] MPs’ interest affiliations (2000-2011).
Swiss Political Science Review 23(1), March 2017 : 77-94.
This research note presents an innovative dataset of Swiss MPs’ interest
ties between 2000-2011. The longitudinal analysis shows that the average number of interest ties per MP has more than doubled: from 3.5 in
2000 to 7.6 in 2011. Since the mid-2000s, public interest groups have
accounted for approximately one out of two ties between MPs and
interest groups, showing the strongest increase during the period. However, when looking at the most present individual groups, important
business groups dominate and appear well connected with the governmental parties of the political right. Finally, interest groups are also able
to forge themselves a strategic presence within the parliamentary committees that are the most relevant for their policy issues. [R, abr.]
GILLEY, Bruce — Taxation and authoritarian resilience.
Journal of Contemporary China 105, May 2017 : 452-464.
This article looks at taxation to understand the ruling Chinese Communist
Party’s relationship to society. It finds that the party has maintained fiscal
capacity through non-intrusive transactional taxes that allow it to deliver
more services in wealthier areas where potential dissent is greatest. This
model is reaching its limits because of its negative impacts on economic
growth and social equity. Attempts to expand new taxation sources —
such as property value taxes or progressive and comprehensive personal
income taxes — are difficult because of the prior reliance on transactional taxes. As a result, the CCP will rationally continue to rely on inefficient
and inequitable taxation because of the political costs of pursuing a
modern taxation system. The China case is indicative of the fiscal dynamics of durable authoritarian regimes. [R, abr.]
GIMÉNEZ SÁNCHEZ, Isabel — La actividad desarrollada
por las Cortes en la situación de legislatura fallida y de
Gobierno en funciones (The activity developed by the
[Spanish] Parliament in the situation of failed legislative
term and of caretaker government). Revista española de
Derecho constitucional 109, Jan.-Apr. 2017 : 215-235.
This article analyzes the main constitutional issues raised around the
parliamentary activity performed during the 316 days of incumbent
government. This period of interim had spanned two different legislatures
and had meant a great variety of situations never before experienced in
our democracy. Special consideration is given to the extension of the
accountability and legislative initiative available to our Parliament in this
Executive’s interim period. We will also deal in particular with the question of the scope of the government’s power to accord to parliamentary
legislative initiatives when increasing credit or decreasing revenues. [R]
GOELZHAUSER, Greg ; ROSE, Shanna — The state of
American Federalism 2016-2017: policy reversals and
partisan perspectives on intergovernmental relations.
Publius 47(3), Summer 2017 : 285-313.
Unified Republican Party control of the federal government after the 2016
election brought a reversal of several B. Obama administration policies,
especially those adopted via executive and administrative action in areas
such as immigration, energy, the environment, and LGBT rights. The
2016 election also prompted a reversal of partisan perspectives with
respect to federal-state relations, as Republicans in Washington moved
to preempt state discretion in various areas, whereas Democrats in state
capitols challenged the legality of presidential actions and resisted
federal efforts to constrain state and local discretion. We discuss these
themes through an analysis of developments in 2016 and early 2017
regarding health care, immigration, education, marijuana, and energy
and environmental policy. We also consider key US Supreme Court
decisions affecting the contours of state policy-making. [R] [First article of
a thematic issue on “Annual review of American Federalism, 2016-2017”,
introduced and edited by the authors. See also Abstr. 67.5479, 5515,
5539, 5576, 5588, 5590, 5698]
GUGUSHVILI, Dimitri — Lessons from Georgia's neoliberal experiment: a rising tide does not necessarily lift all
boats. Communist and Post-Communist Studies 50(1),
March 2017 : 1-14.
Between 2004 and 2012, Georgia implemented one of the most comprehensive packages of neoliberal economic reforms ever. These reforms
have certainly helped to spur growth, but their social effects remain
under-researched. To narrow this gap, this article investigates the effects
of growth on poverty in Georgia using the official household survey data.
The analysis shows that contrary to popular expectations, poverty has
decreased only slightly throughout this period and remains high despite a
number of progressive measures adopted by a successor coalition
government. These findings provide further evidence on the inappropriateness of the neoliberal model as a poverty-reduction strategy. [R]
Institutions politiques et administratives
HALL, Ruth ; KEPE, Thembela — Elite capture and state
neglect: new evidence on South Africa’s land reform. Review of African Political Economy 151, March 2017 : 122-130.
The most recent incarnation of South Africa’s land reform is a model of
state purchase of farms to be provided on leasehold, rather than transferring title. This briefing presents headline findings from our field research in one district. [R]
HALL, Stephen G. F. — Preventing a colour revolution:
the Belarusian example as an illustration for the Kremlin? East European Politics 33(2), June 2017 : 162-183.
Much has been written about Russian authoritarian promotion in the
former-Soviet Union and further afield, but there has been little analysis
of Russian learning from other regimes. This article argues that the
Belarusian regime provides lessons to Moscow for overcoming democratic protests, having learned from the 2000 overthrow of S. Milosevic in
Serbia. The Belarusian case therefore expands a literature primarily
centered on Russia, extending understanding of authoritarian learning
and questioning Russia’s role as the primary authoritarian promoter in
the region. [R] [See Abstr. 67.5205]
Nick — Dyadic representation in a Westminster system
[UK]. Legislative Studies Quarterly 42(2), May 2017 : 235267.
Is policy representation in contemporary Westminster systems solely a
function of programmatic national parties, or does the election of legislators via single-member districts result in MPs whose policy positions are
individually responsive to public opinion in their constituencies? We
generate new measures of constituency opinion in Britain and show that,
in three different policy domains and controlling for MP party, the observed legislative behavior of MPs is indeed responsive to constituency
opinion. The level of responsiveness is moderate, but our results do
suggest a constituency-MP policy bond that operates in addition to the
well-known bond between voters and parties. [R]
HAZAMA, Yasushi ; IBA, Şeref — Legislative agenda
setting by a delegative democracy: omnibus bills in the
Turkish parliamentary system. Turkish Studies 18(2), June
2017 : 313-333.
This article examines the political motives and legislative consequences
of Turkish omnibus bills that propose to amend a large number of disparate, unrelated laws. The quantitative analysis reveals, first, that the
government uses omnibus bills to covertly change existing laws by
attaching new articles to bills that are being deliberated. Second, undercover legislation backfires. The larger the number of current laws
changed by an omnibus bill, the more likely those changes are to be
annulled by the Constitutional Court. The legislative-efficiency objective
behind omnibus bills is thus undermined by legal errors and deficiencies
that result from a lack of parliamentary discussion. [R]
HORST, Patrick — Bilanz der Präsidentschaft Barack
Obamas: kein transformativer, aber ein effektiver und
mutiger Leader (Barack Obama's presidency: not a transformational, but an effective and courageous leader).
Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfragen 48(2), 2017 : 397-422.
B. Obama wanted to be a transformational president in the mold of
Franklin D. Roosevelt — he was not. According to S. Skowronek’s [US]
leadership types, Obama was a “pre-emptive” president who had to
make political concessions to the dominant conservative regime. Obama
also failed in getting over the intense political polarization in Washington.
His room for maneuver was especially limited in foreign policy where he
continued to carry main elements of his predecessor’s anti-terror strategy. Measured against a less heroic standard of transactional and incremental leadership, Obama still was a courageous, adaptive and effective
president who knew how to use his administrative tools and personal
resources. Obama’s greatest political success was his handling of the
Great Recession; his health care reform was a historic achievement,
which will define his political legacy. [R, abr.]
SALOMONSEN, Heidi — Ministerial advisers in executive
government: out from the dark and into the limelight.
Public Administration 95(2), 2017 : 299-311.
Ministers increasingly rely on advisers for support and advice. In many
countries, these political aides are labelled differently. Generally, they
serve as close confidants to their political masters and operate in the
"shadowland" between politics and bureaucracy. Scholarship has
dragged the ministerial advisers out of the dark and described their
background and functions. Still, the field of scholarship has a Westminster bias, is characterized by single case studies, and remains undertheorized. The lack of comparative focus and theoretical underpinnings
can be explained by the complex nature of ministerial advisers. This
introductory article suggests a definition for ministerial advisers and
reviews the extant literature on these important actors. The main argument is that the extent and relevance of ministerial advisers in executive
government merits integration into mainstream public administration and
political science theory and research. [R] [First article of a symposium on
"Ministerial advisers in executive government". See also Abstr. 67.5420,
5440, 5469, 5490, 5522, 5525, 6012]
HUSTEDT, Thurid ; SALOMONSEN, Heidi H. — Political
control of coordination? The roles of ministerial advisers
in government coordination in Denmark and Sweden.
Public Administration 95(2), 2017 : 393-406.
Ministerial advisers are said to strengthen the political control of bureaucracy. Using a comparative case design, this article investigates this
claim by studying the roles of ministerial advisers in government coordination in Denmark and Sweden. The article demonstrates how the roles
of advisers differ in coordination: Swedish advisers directly control government coordination through hierarchical authority. The roles of advisers
and bureaucrats are functionally differentiated in coordination. In contrast, Danish advisers play a more indirect role in coordination. Rather
than controlling coordination, they serve to reproduce the functional
politicization of the permanent bureaucracy in government coordination.
The findings underline the relevance of including advisers in the future
study of government coordination. The analysis is based on 48 interviews
with advisers and top civil servants in Denmark and Sweden. [R] [See
Abstr. 67.5468]
KARCH, Andrew ; ROSE, Shanna — States as stakeholders: [US] federalism, policy feedback, and government
elites. Studies in American Political Development 31(1), Apr.
2017 : 47-67.
This article reorients the study of elite feedback effects by investigating,
in the context of American federalism, whether and how national programs can influence the incentives and resources of state government
officials. It examines four case studies in which national officials adopted
a new program and subsequently tried to alter it by diminishing the
states’ administrative role, reducing the financial resources available, or
terminating the program. State-level actors emerged as critical stakeholders and strongly resisted national efforts to reform unemployment
insurance and Medicaid, but neither the Sheppard-Towner Act nor
general revenue sharing generated strong elite-level feedback effects.
This variation suggests that timing, policy design, and their interaction
can prompt or discourage government elites to mobilize. [R, abr.]
KASATKIN, P. I. ; IVKINA, N. V. — Ličnost’ prezidenta kak
factor formirovanija vnešnepoliti eskoj povestki dnja SŠA
(nekotorye itogi prezidentstva B. Obamy) (The personality of the president as a factor in shaping the foreign policy agenda of the US: the case of Obama). Polis (Moscow),
2017(1) : 125-135.
The article considers the role of B. Obama’s personality in making foreign
policy decisions in the US. It provides analysis of the key mechanisms of
leader’s influence on the formation of US foreign policy and the consequences of such influence. The analysis of his public speeches helps to
reveal his attitude towards the main issues of the political agenda. The
authors analyze the statements in his speeches, such as Christian
values, exceptional role of the American state, the basic steps of [his]
first and second election campaigns and their distinguishing characteristics from other US president elections. There are parallels between the
personality of Obama with persons who have left their mark in American
history, such as Abraham Lincoln and J.F. Kennedy. [R, abr.]
KATO, Daniel — Carceral State 2.0? From enclosure to
control and punishment to surveillance. New Political Science 39(2), June 2017 : 198-217.
Mass incarceration is at a crossroads. Even though demands to dismantle mass incarceration are increasingly gaining traction, it will not necessarily lead to a reduction of the carceral state. There is an emerging trend
that centers on surveillance, security, and police discretion. The ways in
which policy-making is negotiated, social upheaval is managed, and
policing is being adjusted affirm a shift that puts more of the onus on the
controlling aspects associated with law-enforcement and less on the
enclosing characteristics of incarceration. The current decline in incarceration should thus be seen as more of a realignment than an end of the
carceral state. [R]
KEHRBERG, Jason E. — The mediating effect of authoritarianism on immigrant access to TANF: a state-level
Governmental and administrative institutions
analysis. Political Science Quarterly 132(2), Summer 2017 :
Sarkozy and François Hollande. French Politics 15(1), Apr.
2017 : 57-74.
The author discusses the effects of authoritarianism in American states
and specifically on immigrant access to TANF. He uses an original
measure of authoritarianism and concludes that states with authoritarian
populations are more likely to deny immigrants access to welfare benefits. [R]
This article applies the concept of mediatization to the French presidential office, with a comparative focus on the two most recent incumbents,
N. Sarkozy and F. Hollande. The central argument is that Sarkozy’s
presidential leadership, both symbolically and substantively, was more
influenced by media logic than that of Hollande, notably during the first
two years of the latter’s tenure. The paper thus emphasizes the relative
autonomy of the presidential incumbent as the principal executive actor
operating within a significantly bounded national political communication
system. It stresses the importance of agency as a key variable in any
assessment of the mediatization of executive leadership, not just in
France, but by extension in other established democracies. [R]
KELMAN, Steven ; SANDERS, Ronald ; PANDIT, Gayatri —
“Tell it like it is”: decision making, groupthink, and decisiveness among US federal subcabinet executives. Governance 30(2), Apr. 2017 : 245-261.
In addition to difficulties gathering and evaluating complete information,
cognitive limitations and biases preclude individuals from making fully
value-maximizing choices when making decisions. It has been suggested that, done properly, involving advisors can compensate for individuallevel limitations. However, the “groupthink” tradition has highlighted ways
group-aided decision making can fail to live up to its potential. Out of this
literature has emerged a paradigm Janis calls “vigilant problem-solving.”
For this article, we interviewed 20 heads of subcabinet-level organizations in the US federal government, asking questions about how they
made important decisions. Ten were nominated by “good-government”
experts, 10 chosen at random. We wanted to see whether there were
differences in how members of those two groups made decisions, specifically, to what extent executives in the two categories used a “vigilant”
process. [R, abr.]
KELSO, Alexandra — The politics of parliamentary procedure: an analysis of Queen’s Speech debates in the [UK]
House of Commons. British Politics 12(2), May 2017 : 267288.
This article explores the procedural politics of the Queen’s Speech
debates, and analyzes atypical cases to demonstrate the institutional,
constitutional and political utility of the process. It examines the defeated
King’s Speech of 1924; the backbench dissent of the 1946 King’s
Speech; the volatile Labour Queen’s Speeches of the 1970s; and finally
the free vote on a government backbench amendment to the 2013
Queen’s Speech. In demonstrating the political use of parliamentary
procedure, it maps a number of different modes of procedural utility for
Queen’s Speech debates: to facilitate government; to frame policy
debates; to contest policy choices; and to articulate both inter- and intraparty dissent. As a consequence of the Fixed Term Parliaments Act
2011, Queen’s Speech debate procedures may become an increasingly
important mechanism through which normally marginalized actors pursue their political goals. [R, abr.]
KHUN, James ; HALL, Matthew E. K. ; MACHER, Kristen —
Holding versus dicta: divided control of opinion content
on the US Supreme Court. Political Research Quarterly
70(2), June 2017 : 257-268.
Who controls the content of the majority opinion on the US Supreme
Court? Previous studies assume that a single justice exerts primary
influence over the entire opinion. In contrast, we argue that different
justices control holding (the legal determination that sets binding precedent) and dicta (unnecessary comments that lack precedential value).
We argue that the bargaining process enables the median justice in the
majority coalition to control holding, while the opinion author controls
dicta. We test the empirical expectations of our theory on the concurrence behavior of Supreme Court justices: special concurrences reflect
disagreement with holding, whereas general concurrences often reflect
disagreement with dicta. The results support our theory that the bargaining process divides control over holding and dicta, which can produce
ambiguity and confusion in the law. [R, abr.]
KOREH, Michal ; BÉLAND, Daniel — Reconsidering the
fiscal-social policy nexus: the case of social insurance.
Policy and Politics 45(2), Apr. 2017 : 271-286.
Bridging existing streams of fiscal and social policy research, this article
lays the foundations for a fiscal-centered perspective on welfare state
development and restructuring. This perspective is grounded in two
interlocking claims. The first is that social insurance systems financed by
contributions can be used by state and non-state actors to advance their
fiscal goals, beyond the financing of social benefits and services. The
second is that, through different mechanisms such as legitimacy production, institutional design, and coalition-building, the design and management of social insurance contribution policies for such fiscal purposes
can have a direct impact on social programs. [R]
KUHN, Raymond — The mediatization of presidential
leadership in France: the contrasting cases of Nicolas
KULESZA, Christopher F. ; MILLER, Michael G. ; WITKO,
Christopher — State responses to US Supreme Court
campaign finance decisions. Publius 47(3), Summer 2017 :
Recent federal court decisions have deregulated state campaign finance
systems to a significant degree. These decisions also raise issues of
federalism. Although most studies of federal-state conflict focus on
disputes between state officials and elected federal policy-makers, courts
are also policy-making institutions, and in the absence of policy-making
by other federal branches, courts have become the critical federal policymaker in this area. In response to US Supreme Court rulings that deregulate campaign finance rules and are out of step with the policy preferences of many state electorates and officials, states are attempting to
resist these rulings, but using different approaches [from those] used by
states in disputes with the Congress or President. We discuss these
rulings and state responses to them. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.5461]
LANDEMORE, Hélène — Inclusive constitution making
and religious rights: lessons from the Icelandic experiment. Journal of Politics 79(3), July 2017 : 762-779.
The 2010-2013 Icelandic constitutional process offers a unique opportunity to test the predictions of epistemic deliberative democrats (as well
as some constitutional scholars) that more inclusive processes lead to
better outcomes. After briefly retracing the religious history of Iceland and
the steps of the recent constitutional process, the article thus compares
three constitutional proposals drafted at about the same time to replace
the 1944 Icelandic constitution. Two of these drafts were written by seven
government experts; the third one was written by a group of 25 lay
citizens, who further crowd-sourced their successive drafts to the larger
public. The article suggests that on the question of religious rights the
crowd-sourced constitutional proposal indeed led to a marginally “better”
(more sophisticated and more liberal) constitutional document. [R]
LAVERY, Lesley — Lessons learned: how parents respond to [US] school mandates and sanctions. Journal of
Public Policy 37(2), June 2017 : 205-232.
Over the past three decades, a reform movement bent on improving [US]
schools and educational outcomes through standards-based accountability systems and market-like competitive pressures has dominated policy
debates. Many have examined reform policies’ effects on academic
outcomes, but few have explored these policies’ influence on citizens’
political orientations. Using data from an original survey, I examine
whether and how No Child Left Behind’s accountability-based architecture influences parents’ attitudes towards the government and federal
involvement in education. I find little evidence that diversity in parents’
lived policy experiences shapes their political orientations. However, the
results of a survey experiment suggest that information linking school
experience to policy and government action may increase parents’
confidence in their ability to contribute to the political process. [R, abr.]
LEE Sangkuk — An institutional analysis of Xi Jinping’s
centralization of power. Journal of Contemporary China
105, May 2017 : 325-336.
Xi Jinping swiftly centralized political power shortly after the 18th Chinese
Communist Party (CCP) National Congress in 2012, opposing what was
predicted when he was elected general secretary. This action also
compromises China’s long-term efforts to avert an over-concentration of
power among a few elites. This study deals with Xi’s strong ascent to
power, defined as the result of institutional change in China’s political
power game from the perspective of new institutionalism. The author
identifies triggers of institutional change, ideas and norms introduced for
changing informal institutions, and the actual transformation of formal
institutions, arguing that Xi took advantage of social demand for reform
coordination as well as some top elites’ serious political misbehavior to
commence institutional change for the centralization of political power.
[R, abr.]
Institutions politiques et administratives
LEE Sun-Woo ; WHITE, Stephen — Prosecutors and
presidents in new democracies: the Russia case. Japanese Journal of Political Science 18(1), March 2017 : 1-21.
This article aims at an empirical verification of prosecutors’ partisan
behavior through a case study based on the Russian presidents B.
Yeltsin and V. Putin periods. According to G. Helmke's original theory of
strategic defection, dependent judges may occasionally check their
principal, the executive leadership, by withdrawing their support in the
course of an electoral cycle. However, a modified theory of strategic
defection can be readily applied to civil-law prosecutors’ behavior in new
presidential democracies, where several presidents dominated that office
during most of their tenure but experienced prosecutorial defection in
their final phase. Russia provides a textbook case for examining the
modified theory in relation to prosecutors’ partisan behavior against an
incumbent president. [R, abr.]
LIGHT, Michael T. — Punishing the “others”: citizenship
and state social control in the United States and Germany. European Journal of Sociology/Archives européennes de
sociologie 58(1), Apr. 2017 : 33-71.
This article combines data from US and German courts with interviews of
judges from both countries to (1) estimate the punishment consequences
of lacking state membership; (2) compare the sentencing gap across
international contexts, and; (3) identify and explicate the mechanisms
linking citizenship to punishment considerations. Findings show noncitizens receive increased punishment in US and German courts net of
legal factors, but this effect is less pronounced in Germany. The interviews suggest that a variety of intervening mechanisms explain these
results. Prominent among these is that judges in both countries resent
the fact that noncitizens compound their immigrant status with criminal
transgressions. However, German judges place greater emphasis on
consistency and proportionality at sentencing, thus guarding against
overly harsh and disparate punishments. [R, abr.]
LIN, Scott Y. — State capitalism and Chinese food security governance. Japanese Journal of Political Science 18(1),
March 2017 : 106-138.
Since the financial crisis of 2008-2009, how a state can play a more
active role in correcting market failure has become a central topic in
political economy. Thus, academia is again discussing state capitalism
seriously. Contemporary state capitalism assumes state intervention in
markets is becoming more multifaceted. Consequently, traditional stateowned enterprises exist alongside new government-favored actors, such
as privately owned national champions and sovereign wealth funds,
intervening in markets. This coalition helps the state achieve its security,
political, economic, social, and nationalistic goals more efficiently. Its
growing power in markets also heralds the return of state capitalism. This
paper uses state capitalism theories to re-interpret China's food security
governance. [R, abr.]
LIN Shyh-chyang — A study of career networks and the
geographical characteristics of CCP [Chinese Communist Party]'s top political and military positions. Japanese Journal of Political Science 18(2), June 2017 : 336-359.
This research study maps out the career network of selected members
from the Politburo and Central Military Commission (CMC) of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). This research uncovers the crucial positions leading to the CCP's political and military power center, as well as
how these positions interrelate. The results show the following. First, in
the Jiang Zemin era (Jiang's era), Politburo members were mainly
promoted from the central party committee or Central Government.
Second, in the Hu Jintao era (Hu's era), key members from administrative regions started to step into the power center. Third, in the era of Xi
Jinping (Xi's era), most Politburo members were promoted directly from
administrative regions, especially from the coastal areas, such as
Shanghai and Guangdong province. [R, abr.]
Matthew — Diffusion in [US] Congress: measuring the
social dynamics of legislative behavior. Political Science
Research and Methods 5(3), July 2017 : 511-527.
While there is a substantial literature highlighting the presence of social
dynamics in legislatures, we know very little about the precise processes that generate these social dynamics. Yet, whether social
dynamics are due to peer pressure, frequency of interaction, or genuine
learning, for example, has important implications for questions of political
representation and accountability. We demonstrate how a recent innovation can be used to study the diffusion of behavior within legislatures. In
particular, we study diffusion within the US House of Representatives by
looking at the dynamic process underlying discharge petitions. Based on
data from 1995 to 2014, we find that the social dynamics underlying the
discharge procedure tend to involve the rational evaluation of information
conveyed by the behavior of previous petition signatories. [R]
LINH Bui Thi Thu, et al. — The breakdown of the iron
triangle in the process of Japan’s Trinity Reform: an application of the multiple streams framework to compare
stakeholder dynamics inherent in policy change. Lex Localis (Journal of Local Self Government) 15(2), Apr. 2017 :
To decentralize Japan’s fiscal system, the Trinity Reform, which was
implemented from 2003 to 2007, reformed (1) the transference of tax
revenue sources from the central to local governments, (2) local allocation tax, and (3) national subsidies and grants. This study drew on the
multiple streams framework in public policy — including problem, policy,
and politics — to understand the financial change process in intergovernmental relationships and the successes of Prime Minister Koizumi as
a policy entrepreneur in breaking the iron triangle of the Liberal Democratic Party politicians, ministry bureaucrats, and local governments to
administer the fiscal decentralization and local autonomy reform. [R]
LIVNE, Roi ; YONAY, Yuval P. — Performing neoliberal
governmentality: an ethnography of financialized sovereign debt management practices. Socio-Economic Review
14(2), Apr. 2016 : 339-362.
This article analyzes the financialization of sovereign debts as a process
that reconstitutes statehood. Focusing on Israel, we argue that the
financialization of its sovereign debt and the professionalization of this
debt's management reconfigured the state's relationship with its citizens
and transformed it into a market relationship. Drawing on observations
and in-depth interviews conducted in the Israeli Government Debt Management Unit, we develop a microanalysis of Israel's macro-economic
policy on its debt. We follow the aftermath of a historical transition in
Israel's debt-management. The article investigates three factors in
Israel's debt management, which perform this new state agency in the
present: the professionalization of sovereign debt management, the
utilization of risk management models and the standardization of sovereign bonds. [R, abr.]
MALEY, Maria — Temporary partisans, tagged officers or
impartial professionals: moving between ministerial offices and departments. Public Administration 95(2), 2017 :
There are increasing concerns that the line between political and public
service roles is becoming blurred, and that political advisers may be
politicizing the work of public servants. Underlying this is the fundamental
value conflict between responsiveness and impartiality and the challenge
of balancing neutral competence and responsive competence in government. In Australia and Canada the norm of impartiality is challenged by
the movement of staff between partisan ministers' offices and the public
service. This is a case study comparison of how the risks posed by these
transitions are managed through institutional rules and practices. This
study of rule-building by two countries with similar political institutions
and shared traditions demonstrates the critical role played by rules which
regulate activity between two organizations with opposed values. [R,
abr.] [See Abstr. 67.5468]
MARQUARDT, Jens — How power affects policy implementation: lessons from the Philippines. Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs, 2017(1) : 3-27.
This article unveils how the complex multilevel governance system of a
developing country affects environmental policy implementation. The
Philippine Renewable Energy Act is discussed as an in-depth case study.
The law was passed in 2008 to increase the share of renewables in the
electricity mix, but its implementation remains a challenge. Analyzing the
complex multilevel governance system of the Philippines, this article
shows how inter-jurisdictional coordination and the distribution of power
resources and capacities affect the implementation process. This qualitative research is based on key documents and insights from 48 expert
interviews. From a theoretical perspective, research about power in
central-local relations can make a useful contribution to current multilevel
governance concepts. [R]
MARQUES-PEREIRA, Bérengère — Politique d'égalité de
genre au Chili sous les gouvernements de la Concertación (1990-2010) (Gender equality policies in Chile under
the Concertación governments, 1990-2010). Cahiers des
Amériques latines 80, 2015 : 129-144.
This paper reassesses the gender-equality policies implemented in Chile
by the Concertación governments. During its twenty years in power, this
Governmental and administrative institutions
center-left coalition succeeded in making gender a public action category. Our aim is to grasp the multilevel dynamics in which that category is
inserted, at the crossing of the national, the international and the transnational levels. Its advent and its consolidation were supported by networks of expertise made up of feminists from the UN system, women
from feminist associations and women belonging to executive and
legislative institutions. [R, abr.]
MATTHEWS, Felicity ; FLINDERS, Matthew — Patterns of
democracy: coalition governance and majoritarian modification in the United Kingdom, 2010-2015. British Politics
12(2), May 2017 : 157-182.
The article draws on A. Lijphart’s two-dimensional typology of democracies [Patterns of Democracy — Government Forms and Performance in
Thirty-Six Countries, New Haven, 1999, 2e ed. 2012], developing a
refined framework that enables systematic comparison over time. It
demonstrates that over the course of the 2010-2015 Parliament, the UK
underwent another period of majoritarian modification, driven by factors
including the long-term influence of the constitutional forces unleashed
under Labour and the short-term impact of coalition management. The
article offers a critical rejoinder to debates regarding the relationship
between institutional design and democratic performance. Methodologically, it demonstrates that the tools of large-scale comparison can be
effectively scaled down to facilitate within-case analysis. Empirically, it
provides a series of conclusions regarding the tenability of the UK’s
extant democratic architecture under the weight of pressures to which it
continues to be subject. [R, abr.]
MAYER, Matthias Michael — Bureaucratic migration
politics: German support for common EU policies on labour migration. German Politics 26(2), 2017 : 255-272.
As a macrostructure, this article uses a bureaucratic politics framework
to understand the preference formation of the German federal government on liberalizing economic migration policies. This allows unpacking
the process of preference formation and linking it to a number of causal
factors, which, by influencing the costs and benefits distribution of the
relevant actors, shape the position of the government. The article argues
that the misfit between the existing national regulations for economic
migration and European-level policies has to be zero — otherwise the
economic and political adaptation costs for the actors involved are too
high. A heated national debate on immigration is negatively related to
governmental support for such measures, as the political costs of support skyrocket. [R, abr.]
MILEY, Thomas Jeffrey — Austerity politics and constitutional crisis in Spain. European Politics and Society 18(2),
June 2017 : 263-283.
This article explores the political consequences of austerity politics in
Spain. It argues that the economic-cum-political crisis in Spain has
brought to the surface underlying structural weaknesses of its constitutional edifice accumulated over the past decades. The article sketches
the parameters of the current crisis, and [explains] the dynamic process
of crisis and breakdown of Spain’s "constitutional regime". It focuses on
the party system, and the territorial model of governance (the so-called
Estado de las Autonomías). It analyzes developments in both of these
arenas, and assesses the emergent opportunities for transition to a new
constitutional regime (or regimes), as well as the prospects and policy
avenues open for re-equilibration. It gives an account of the transition
away from two-party politics, and of the rise of new parties such as
Podemos and Ciudadanos. [R, abr.]
publičnaja politika: kontury predmetnogo polja (Network
public policy: outlines of subject field). Polis (Moscow),
2017(2) : 82-102.
The authors reveal the structure and content of the public policy network,
formed under the influence of societal changes in modern society, in
which political institutions and practices have acquired new universal
qualities. The article identifies and describes the stages of evolution of
the network approach in political studies. Network public policy takes
place in an internet-integrated environment and is both the process and
the result of the interaction of socio-political actors using network resources and technologies to develop ways of solving problems of public
importance and their integration into governmental practices. Contours of
the problem field cover the changes in different dimensions of public
policy (information-discursive, institutional, governmental, technological,
socio-cultural, spatial) and their results. [R, abr.]
MONTGOMERY, Jacob M. ; NYHAN, Brendan — The effects of congressional staff networks in the US House of
Representatives. Journal of Politics 79(3), July 2017 : 745761.
Standard accounts of legislative behavior typically neglect the activities of
professional staff, who are treated as extensions of the elected officials
they serve. However, staff appear to have substantial independent
effects on observed levels of legislator productivity and policy preferences. We use a novel data-set of comprehensive longitudinal employment records from the US House of Representatives to estimate the
effects of congressional staff on legislative behavior. Specifically, results
from a series of heteroskedastic Bayesian spatial autoregressive models
indicate that members of Congress who exchange important staff members across congresses are more similar in their legislative effectiveness
and voting patterns than we would otherwise expect. These findings
suggest that scholars should reconsider the role of staff in the legislative
process. [R]
MURPHY, Philip — Unsettled in the starting blocks: a
case study of internal efficacy socialisation in the Republic of Ireland. Irish Political Studies 32(3), 2017 : 479-497.
This study looks at the socialization of internal political efficacy. It assesses the link from individual background, through socio-political learning experiences, to the perception of political competence. A quantitative
survey of thresholders (n 849), i.e. adolescents on the threshold of voting
age in the Republic of Ireland provides data for analysis, with a particular
focus on their socialization experiences in home, school and associational settings. It finds a higher sense of internal efficacy among young males
than females, irrespective of socialization experience. Family politicization is found to mitigate the differences in internal efficacy associated
with socio-economic status. Though some pseudo-political mastery
experiences from school and associational environs assessed here are
linked to thresholder’s internal efficacy, the link is minor. [R]
MURTAZASHVILI, Ilia ; MURTAZASHVILI, Jennifer — Coercive capacity, land reform and political order in Afghanistan. Central Asian Survey 36(2), June 2017 : 212-230.
This article compares four historical periods in Afghanistan to better
understand whether land reform in the post-2001 context will improve
prospects for political order. Its central finding is that political order can
be established without land reform provided that the state is able to
establish and maintain coercive capacity. However, the cost of establishing political order mainly through coercion is very low levels of economic
development. We also find that when land reform was implemented in
periods of weak or declining coercive capacity, political disorder resulted
from grievances unrelated to land issues. In addition, land reforms
implemented in the context of highly centralized political institutions
increased property insecurity. This suggests the importance of investing
in coercive capacity alongside land reform in the current context. [R, abr.]
NOH Shihyun — Federal strategies to induce [US] resistant states to participate in the ACA health exchanges.
State and Local Government Review 48(4), Dec. 2016 : 227235.
Initial [US] state implementation of the Affordable Care Act health exchanges was marked by political polarization. More than half of the states
initially chose not to create their own health exchanges, leading the
federal government to adopt a new strategy: dividing the implementation
of health exchanges into a series of smaller tasks. States could choose
which of four core functions of the exchanges they would implement, with
the federal government handling the remaining functions. This strategy
induced some resistant states to administer some core functions. Why
did some states take part in the exchanges while others did not? Ordered
logistic regression analyses provide evidence that both state political
context and other factors affected this decision. [R, abr.] [First of a thematic issue on "Political and ideological polarization and its impact of
subnational governments in the United States", introduced by Soren
JORDAN and Cynthia J. BOWLING, "The state of polarization in the
states", pp. 220-226. See also Abstr. 67.5555, 5592, 5888, 5941]
PETTAI, Eva-Clarita — Prosecuting Soviet genocide:
comparing the politics of criminal justice in the Baltic
states. European Politics and Society 18(1), Apr. 2017 : 5265.
This study compares the politics of post-Soviet retrospective criminal
justice processes in Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania after 1991. Taking an
institutionalist approach, it pays particular attention to the interactions
between judicial and non-judicial institutions in the search for truth and
justice, and analyzes how the nature of this interaction determines
processes of historical narrative framing and remembering in the public
domain. The study also links this with a critical examination of the investigatory infrastructure put up by state legislators to enhance prosecutorial
capacity and efficiency. Its main contention is that such an analysis of the
Institutions politiques et administratives
institutional context of investigations and trials is essential in order to
better understand how judicial procedures and resulting truths translate
into public historical discourses and collective memory. [R, abr.] [Part of
a thematic issue on "Governing the memories of communism in Central
and Eastern Europe: policy instruments and social practices", edited and
introduced by Pascal BONNARD and Cécile JOUHANNEAU. See also
Abstr. 67.5457]
PLETNIA, Maciej — Back to the past: analysis of the
amendments regarding emperor and the national symbols in the LDP 2012 constitutional draft. Japanese Journal of Political Science 18(1), March 2017 : 176-195.
Since the Liberal Democratic Party of Japan's (LDP) return to power in
late 2012, there has been on-going discussions regarding the possibility
of revising the Japanese constitution. Prime Minister Shinzo Abe has
made numerous remarks regarding his intention to implement significant
changes. Understandably, amendments to the controversial Article 9 as
well as to the Article 96 have become the main points of interest for both
journalists and scholars. Judging by the LDP's constitutional draft from
2012 there are other significant changes that the ruling party would like
to implement. This article mainly analyzes the proposed amendments
regarding the position and significance of the emperor, national flag, and
anthem, as well as separation of the state and religion. [R, abr.]
have both statutory and non-statutory components. An unforeseen
consequence of trade liberalization was the loss of trade tax revenue,
which drove down tax collections at the Center both as a percent of GDP,
and relative to states. Four major policy changes initiated after 1991 are
attributable to post-reform concerns with efficiency in the fiscal structure.
[R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.5521]
Quotas are determined to be the main and most effective tool in promoting gender equality. We examine six Southeast European countries
where quotas have been either reintroduced (following the abolition of
communist-era quota systems) or introduced for the first time. Presenting
original data on the descriptive representation of women in parliament,
we find significant within-region variety. Unlike in Western countries,
where women’s representation tends to be higher among center and left
parties, center-right parties have in some cases staged the most women.
We look into quotas, as well as cultural and historical contexts, in order to
examine this region-specific phenomenon and account for the withinregion variation. [R] [See Abstr. 67.5704]
POTTER, Rachel Augustine — Slow-rolling, fast-tracking,
and the pace of [US] bureaucratic decisions in rulemaking. Journal of Politics 79(3), July 2017 : 841-855.
The slow pace of administrative action is arguably a defining characteristic of modern bureaucracy. The reasons proffered for delay are numerous, often centering on procedural hurdles or bureaucrats’ ineptitude. I
offer a different perspective on delay in one important bureaucratic
venue: the federal rule-making process. I argue that agencies can speed
up (fast-track) or slow down (slow-roll) the rule-making process in order
to undermine political oversight by Congress, the president, and the
courts. That is, when the political climate is favorable, agencies rush to
lock in a rule, but when it is less favorable, they wait on the chance that it
will improve. I find empirical support for this proposition using an eventhistory analysis of more than 11,000 agency rules from 150 bureaus. [R,
PRATO, Carlo ; WOLTON, Stephane — Citizens United: a
theoretical evaluation. Political Science Research and
Methods 5(3), July 2017 : 567-574.
The 2010 US Supreme Court decision on Citizens United v. Federal
Electoral Commission lifted restrictions on the funding by unions and
corporations of groups engaging in independent political advertising
(outside spending). Many have criticized the majority opinion’s premise
that outside spending cannot corrupt or distort the electoral process.
Fewer have examined the implications of this decision under the Court’s
assumptions. Using a game-theoretic model of electoral competition, we
show that informative outside spending by a group whose policy preferences are partially aligned with the electorate may reduce voter welfare.
This negative effect is more likely when policy information is highly
valuable for the electorate or congruence between the group and voters
is high. We further show that the regulatory environment produced by the
Court’s decision is always suboptimal. [R, abr.]
QVIST, Martin — Meta-governance and network formation
in collaborative spaces of uncertainty: the case of Swedish refugee integration policy. Public Administration
95(2), 2017 : 498-511.
This article examines the relationship between a meta-governing role of
government and processes of network-formation, based on a study of a
governance initiative for improvement of refugee "activation" services in
Sweden. Meta-governance is centered on supporting the development of
self-regulatory capacity within discretionary spaces of action and has, so
far, primarily been associated with a specific type of interdependencydriven networks. This article focuses on an alternative scenario, where
uncertainty under such governance arrangements, rather than interdependence, becomes the driver of network formation. The relevance of
this “uncertainty approach” is demonstrated in the Swedish case. [R]
RAJARAMAN, Indira — Continuity and change in Indian
fiscal federalism. India Review 16(1), Jan.-March 2017 : 6684.
This article focuses on whether the discontinuity in the structure of the
Indian economy, which started with the economic reforms of 1991,
triggered changes in federal fiscal arrangements. This examination is
embedded in a larger overview of the basic fiscal structure, characterized
by annual flows from the national government to subnational states that
RASHKOVA, Ekaterina R. ; ZANKINA, Emilia — Women’s
representation in politics in South Eastern Europe. Quotas and the importance of party differences. Teorija in
Praksa, 2017(2) : 376-393.
REVENGA SÁNCHEZ, Miguel — La funcionalidad del
artículo 99 de la Constitución ante el caso de un resultado electoral fragmentado:¿mejorar su aplicación o proponer su reforma? (The functionality of Article 99 of the
[Spanish] Constitution in the case of a fragmented electoral outcomes: to Improve its application or to propose
its reform?). Revista española de Derecho constitucional
109, Jan.-Apr. 2017 : 97-120.
This paper examines the long process of government formation that we
had in Spain over the last few months. The paper explains the changes
in the political situation and evaluates the functioning of Article 99 of the
Constitution. Special consideration is given to the role of the king in the
procedure of formation of the government, in general terms, and paying
special attention to the performance of King Philip VI. The paper concludes asking whether or not to reform the article studied, and concludes
proposing some adjustments of the ordinary legislation that will improve
its application in the future. [R]
RICHTER, Philipp — Es werde Licht! Und es ward Licht?
— Zur Wirkung von Transparenz auf die Legitimität öffentlicher Verwaltung (Let there be light! And there was
light! — on the impact of transparency on the legitimacy
of public administration). Politische Vierteljahresschrift
58(2), 2017 : 234-257.
Transparency is seen as an instrument to strengthen the legitimacy of
the political-administrative system. The adoption of the so-called transparency laws, which shall extend the passive right of freedom of information to an obligation of active publication, reflects this debate. Against
this background, the paper systematizes theoretically the effects of
transparency on the legitimacy of public administration and collects
empirical findings, which help to estimate the probability of these effects.
It is shown, that the effects of transparency are complex and that the
realization of the positive, intended effects is attached to conditions,
which corresponded with empirical findings only to a limited extend. [R]
RIPOLLÉS SERRANO, María Rosa — Gobierno en funciones y control parlamentario (Caretaker government
and parliamentary control [in Spain]). Revista española de
Derecho constitucional 109, Jan.-Apr. 2017 : 155-183.
This article is about the relationship between the Parliament and the
caretaker government. During two terms — XI and XII —, there have
been large periods without precedent in the Spanish Constitutional
system, during which the Parliament has been ready to fulfill its role,
except for appointing a new Prime Minister according to section 99 of the
Spanish Constitution. On the other side the caretaker government has
legal limitations, and should remain strictly limited to ensure the maintenance of the administration. In these circumstances the caretaker government took the line that it would not be necessary to be submitted to
the parliamentary control. As a result of that the Lower House has adopted the decision to submit this conflict before the Constitutional Court. [R,
RITHMIRE, Meg Elizabeth — Land institutions and Chinese political economy: institutional complementarities
and macroeconomic management. Politics and Society
45(1), March 2017 : 123-153.
This article critically examines the origins and evolution of China’s unique
land institutions and situates land policy in the larger context of China’s
Governmental and administrative institutions
reforms and pursuit of economic growth. It argues that the Chinese
Communist Party (CCP) has strengthened the institutions that permit
land expropriation — namely, urban/rural dualism, decentralized land
ownership, and hierarchical land management — in order to use land as
a key instrument of macroeconomic regulation, helping the CCP respond
to domestic and international economic trends and manage expansion
and contraction. Key episodes of macroeconomic policy-making are
analyzed, with the use of local and central documents, to show how the
CCP relied on the manipulation and distribution of the national land
supply either to stimulate economic growth or to rein in an overheating
economy. [R, abr.]
SALE, Giovanni — Il “Muslim ban”. Donald Trump e la
magistratura statunitense (The "Muslim ban". Donald
Trump and the US judiciary). Civiltà cattolica 4002, March
2017 : 560-572.
The “Muslim ban” is without doubt the most controversial executive order
taken by the 45th President of the US, D. Trump. The protection of
national security put forward by President Trump does not suffice to
understand this measure’s usefulness. It has unleashed a wave of
protests, not only amongst liberal intellectuals, but also in large swathes
of American public opinion, including some large multinational firms.
Whereas Western heads of state and government have almost unanimously condemned the ban, Arab leaders have not issued categorical
pronouncements on the matter. [R, transl.]
SANDERS, William G. — Three accounts of the emergence of the remote jobs and communities program:
changing timeframes and types of actors [in Australia].
Australian Journal of Political Science 52(2), June 2017 :
Using frameworks for the analysis of policy devised by Colebatch and
Bacchi, three accounts are developed of the emergence of an Australian
government program for Indigenous employment and community participation in remote areas. Timeframes increase and types of actors change
moving from an authoritative choice account to structured interaction and
then problematization. Individual agents in authoritative choice are
replaced in structured interaction by government departments as distinctive organizational actors. In the problematization account, concepts
become the dominant actors, changing over longer timeframes. In
remote Indigenous employment a change in problematization is discerned in the 1970s, from inclusion in award wages and social security to
concerns about welfare dependence. A later problematization change
reframes a 1970s program from employment to welfare. [R]
SANTA ANA, Otto ; WAITKUWEIT, Kevin Hans ; HERNANDEZ, Mishna Erana — Blood, soil, and tears: conceptual
metaphor-based critical discourse analysis of the legal
debate on US citizenship. Journal of Language and Politics
16(2), 2017 : 149-175.
The Fourteenth Amendment to the US Constitution grants citizenship to
every child born on US soil. While most Americans think this formulation
is permanent, it is actually open to change. We undertake a conceptual
metaphor-based critical discourse-analysis of three contending contemporary legal stances regarding US citizenship. In the light of four current
court cases, some legal theorists argue that the formulation is both
undemocratic and inadequate, and should be amended to address 21st
century national concerns. Others argue to retain the current formulation
in spite of these concerns. Our study reveals that the rival stances are
argued in terms of irreconcilable conceptual metaphors, and each legal
stance in itself is deficient to address these current concerns. [R]
Andrew — The Every Student Succeeds Act, the decline
of the federal role in education policy, and the curbing of
executive authority. Publius 47(3), Summer 2017 : 426-444.
This article analyzes the [US] Every Student Succeeds Act of 2015 and
the evolving role of the federal government in educational policy. We rely
on J. Kingdon’s policy window framework to evaluate how key political
constituencies on both the political right and left pressured Congress to
limit both the executive branch and federal roles in educational policy.
We find that policies during the B. Obama Administration shifted political
attitudes on key issues and within key constituencies that had previously
supported a stronger federal role. We conclude with a discussion of how
this shift in federal education policy can yield insights applicable to other
policy areas and also how this informs the current direction of federalstate relations. [R] [See Abstr. 67.5461]
SCHNABEL, Johanna — Committed to coordination?
Intergovernmental councils as a federal safeguard. Swiss
Political Science Review 23(2), June 2017 : 191-206.
I suggest that the design of intergovernmental councils (IGC) accounts
for the extent to which they are able to prevent the federal government
from encroaching on subnational jurisdictions. IGC operate in areas of
interdependence where the federal government faces incentives to
restore to hierarchical coordination. The effect of the intergovernmental
safeguard is measured by the absence or presence of federal encroachment. Two concepts are useful to explain it: the extent to which governments are committed to coordination and the dominance of the federal
government of vertical IGC. I argue that different combinations of the two
variables help to understand the safeguarding effect of intergovernmental
councils. In particular, I contend that in any configuration in which federal
dominance is present the federal government can encroach on subnational jurisdictions. [R, abr.]
SCRUGGS, Lyle ; HAYES, Thomas J. — The influence of
inequality on welfare generosity: evidence from the US
states. Politics and Society 45(1), March 2017 : 35-66.
This article examines the relationship between income concentration and
policy outputs that determine the generosity of two major state-level
safety net programs: unemployment insurance and cash social assistance. Using a difference in differences framework, it tests the degree to
which the top 1 percent share is associated with benefit replacement
rates for these programs during the period 1978-2010. The results
suggest that higher state income inequality lowers those states’ welfare
benefits significantly in ways consistent with a “plutocracy” hypothesis
that has been suggested in work by scholars such as Bartels, Bonica,
Gilens, and Page. The results are robust to controls for several alternative explanations for benefit generosity, including citizen ideology, party
control of government, fiscal pressure on programs, state racial heterogeneity, and public opinion liberalism. [R, abr.]
SEN, Maya — How political signals affect public support
for judicial nominations: evidence from a conjoint experiment. Political Research Quarterly 70(2), June 2017 : 374393.
Using a novel, two-part conjoint experiment, I show that respondents put
high importance on the political leanings of potential US Supreme Court
candidates, a finding in contrast with the scholarly view that the public
views the Court as different from other, more political institutions. Indeed,
when respondents are given information about a nominee’s partisan
leanings, they rely extensively on that information in deciding whether to
support the candidate, whether they trust the candidate, and whether
they find the candidate qualified. By contrast, when partisan information
is withheld, respondents appear to use other kinds of signals, such as
race, to fill in the gaps. Those who are most knowledgeable about the
Court are most influenced by these partisan signals, providing further
support for the importance of political heuristics. [R, abr.]
SHAIR-ROSENFIELD, Sarah ; STOYAN, Alissandra T. —
Constraining executive action: the role of legislator professionalization in Latin America. Governance 30(2), Apr.
2017 : 301-319.
What explains the failure of legislatures with strong constitutionally
endowed powers to exert themselves over the executive in practice? We
examine the role of legislator professionalization in strengthening the
legislature's ability to constrain executive action, conceptualizing legislator professionalization as prior legislative experience and prior professional work experience. We argue that more professionalized legislators,
through the skill and knowledge they bring to the policymaking process
from prior experience, will be better equipped to challenge executive
authority. In a sample of four Latin American countries from 1990 through
2010, we find that legislatures are more likely to curb executive decree
issuance when individual legislators are strongly professionalized, controlling for constitutional powers and several other partisan and political
factors. [R, abr.]
escape from institution-building in a globalized world:
lessons from Russia. Perspectives on Politics 15(2), June
2017 : 361-378.
Using Russia as a case, this study brings attention to the unexpected
negative impact of global interdependence and shows that institutional
arbitrage opportunities have enabled economic actors to solve for institutional weaknesses and constraints in the domestic realm by using foreign
institutions, thereby limiting the emergence of a domestic rule of law
regime. We argue that such opportunities lower the propensity of assetholders, normally interested in strong institutions at home, to organize
collective action to lobby for better institutions. We demonstrate the main
ways through which Russia’s capital-owners make use of foreign legal
and financial infrastructures such as capital flight, the use of foreign
corporate structures, offshore financial centers, real-estate markets, the
round-tripping of FDI, and reliance on foreign law in contract-writing and
foreign courts in dispute-resolution. [R, abr.]
Institutions politiques et administratives
SHARMA, Chanchal Kumar — A situational theory of porkbarrel politics: the shifting logic of discretionary allocations in India. India Review 16(1), Jan.-March 2017 : 14-41.
hozjain?” (Political leader in the public administration
environment, or who is the man of the house?). Polis
(Moscow), 2017(2) : 60-81.
This article examines how the party system types (dominant party versus
coalition system) and particular attributes of discretionary grants (providing credit claiming opportunity or facilitating side payments) influence
opportunities for pork-barrel politics. This article proposes a situational
theory of distributive politics that states that incentives for exclusive
targeting of affiliated states in one-party dominant systems drive national
ruling parties toward particularism while the shrinking opportunity to
indulge in such a policy in multiparty coalition systems creates a universalization effect. [R, abr.] [First article of a thematic issue on "Continuity
and change in contemporary Indian federalism", edited and introduced,
pp. 1-13, by Chanchal Kumar SHARMA and Wilfried SWENDEN. See
also Abstr. 67.5425, 5443, 5506, 5531, 5550, 5596]
The article describes the features of the positioning of a political leader in
the public administration system. The author analyzes the leader’s
functional and role burden as a bearer of the highest status of authority
and as a civil entrepreneur that supports political communication with the
society. Upon revealing the specifics of application by the leader of
political and administrative tools in the implementation of its functions,
the author reveals the limitations and risks of reducing its official functions, which emanate from the administrative hierarchy. The key means
of resolving the structural conflict between political and administrative
tools of implementation of the activities of a political leader as a senior
state manager is the formation of a special structure of power. [R, abr.]
SHAW, Richard ; EICHBAUM, Chris — Politicians, political
advisers and the vocabulary of public service bargains:
speaking in tongues? Public Administration 95(2), 2017 :
Recent research on political advisers is characterized by an expansion
beyond Westminster and clearer connections with proximate literatures.
This article speaks to the second of these features by applying the Public
Service Bargain (PSB) lens to minister/political adviser relationships in
new ways. Extant PSB analyses either position political advisers as an
independent variable influencing the core bargain between ministers and
senior officials, or face difficulties when viewing advisers through existing
perspectives developed to explain deals between politicians and public
servants. Consequently, the nature of "the bargain applying to political
advisers" [C. Hood and M. Lodge, The Politics of Public Service Bargains, Oxford, 2006] remains unclear. This article addresses that lacuna
by deploying the reward, competence and loyalty dimensions of PSBs.
[R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.5468]
SHERYAZDANOVA, Gulmira ; BUTTERFIELD, Jim — Egovernment as an anti-corruption strategy in Kazakhstan. Journal of Information Technology and Politics 14(1),
2017 : 83-94.
Kazakhstan has made progress in economic and social development,
but it struggles with systemic corruption. Its leadership has acknowledged the depth of the problem. An ambitious e-government program is
underway that is designed to simplify processes, reduce documentation,
eliminate queues, and limit interactions between citizens and officials
that create opportunities for bribery. Although the initiative is still too new
to gauge its full impact, we examine online forums, news coverage, and
third-party reports to offer a preliminary judgment. Indications are that egovernment is reducing petty corruption, but it needs to be part of a
larger package of anticorruption measures. [R]
SIEBRITS, Krige — The power of the purse in Botswana,
Namibia, South Africa, and Zimbabwe. Taiwan Journal of
Democracy 13(1), July 2017 : 175-191.
A legislature holds the power of the purse when it controls a country's
public finance system. Apart from being one of the core functions of
legislatures, such control is of considerable significance to the process of
democratic consolidation. This essay comments on the state of and the
scope for enhancing the power of the purse in Botswana, Namibia, South
Africa, and Zimbabwe. It makes two points. First, it uses quantitative
measures to show that the de jure budgetary powers of these legislatures vary markedly. Second, it argues that aspects of the political
institutions and cultures of these countries present formidable hurdles to
attempts to strengthen these powers. [R]
SILVA, Patrícia — Political advisers in Portugal: partisanship and loyalty in policy processes. Public Administration
95(2), 2017 : 378-392.
This article contributes to the current debate regarding the role of political
advisers in Portugal. It empirically analyzes appointments to positions
within ministers’ private offices, specifying when and why such advice is
sought and accepted by ministers. Multivariate analysis is complemented
with elite perspectives on the roles of ministerial advisers. Results suggest that parties in government appoint political advisers to ministers’
private offices as a strategy to legitimize policy choices and instruments,
by injecting partisanship, responsiveness and loyalty in the policy-making
process. Politicizing these positions is also a valuable asset for politicians given the procedural-oriented, and the inter-sector and interservice coordination problems within a heavy administrative structure,
such as the Portuguese one. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.5468]
SOLOVYOV, A. I. — Političeskoj lider v administrativnoj
srede gosudarstvennogo upravlenija, ili “Kto v dome
SOLOZÁBAL ECHAVARRIA, Juan José — La problemática
constitucional de la formación del Gobierno y la intervención del monarca en nuestro régimen parlamentario
(Constitutional problems regarding both the formation of
a new government and the intervention of the monarch in
our [Spanish] parliamentary regime). Revista española de
Derecho constitucional 109, Jan.-Apr. 2017 : 35-61.
Understanding the prolonged government crisis that the Spanish democracy has recently experienced requires a review of the specific normative
assumptions from which it starts, that is, to interpret article 99 of the
Constitution. Besides, in a broader context, we need to consider the role
of the Head of State in parliamentary systems, both in a Monarchy and in
a Republic. From this theoretical and institutional context, important
conclusions can be drawn, which may propose a new reading of the
King’s constitutional position in what can be termed, as Professor Stern
did, referring to the formation of government in parliamentary regimes,
"the Core of the system". Finally, the study accomplishes a dubious
conclusion about the possibilities of bringing a constitutional reform of the
previously mentioned article 99 of the Constitution. [R]
SONG Dao-lei — The cornerstone of state governance:
community governance in transitional China. Fudan Journal (Social Sciences Edition), 2017(3) : 172-179. [Article in
In China, community governance is one of the lowest ranked locations
through the whole governance system, but the cornerstone of state
governance and the foundation of governance capability and modernization. National power, social organization, marketing forces and resident
groups all contribute to the pluralistic situation of the community governance. National power plays a leading role. Community governance is a
miniature of state governance from Danwei China to Community China.
Community China demands that the government should focus on communities in order to narrow the gap between state and society. To some
extent, state governance is the amplificatory community governance.
Social organizations participate in the community governance so that it
becomes more and more professional. Enterprises also become one of
them through their own professional skills, organization groups and
creative ideas. [R, abr.]
SUTEU, Silvia — Eternity clauses in post-conflict and
post-authoritarian constitution-making: promise and limits. Global Constitutionalism 6(1), March 2017 : 63-100.
The literature on entrenchment as a means to achieve constitutional
endurance has grown in recent years, as has the scholarship on unamendable provisions as a mechanism intended to safeguard the constitutional project. However, little attention has been paid to the promise and
limits of eternity clauses in transitional settings. Their appeal in this
context is great. In an effort to safeguard hard-fought agreements, drafters often declare unamendable what they consider the fundamentals to
the political deal: the number of presidential term-limits, the commitment
to human rights and to democracy, the form of the state (whether republican or monarchical), the territorial integrity of the state, the territorial
division of power, secularism or the official religion. This article explores
the distinctive role and problems posed by eternity clauses in transitional
constitution-building. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.5135]
SUTTON, Alex — Depoliticisation and the [UK] politics of
imperialism. British Politics 12(2), May 2017 : 209-230.
Approaches to depoliticization have tended to focus on its use as a
domestic strategy. Where the literature tends to be lacking is in consideration of its international role. This article examines the way in which
imperialist policies have been depoliticized through technically managed
or apparently economic institutions. It explores the way in which British
imperial strategy was depoliticized by the use of the Sterling Area, analyzing an episode in British-Malayan relations in which the apolitical
character of the Sterling Area was brought into question. [R]
Governmental and administrative institutions
SWENDEN, Wilfried ; SAXENA, Rekha — Rethinking
central planning: a federal critique of the [Indian] Planning Commission. India Review 16(1), Jan.-March 2017 :
This article critically assesses the impact of the Planning Commission on
center-state relations in India. It argues that the Planning Commission
had a centralizing effect due to its role in overseeing five-year and
annual planning, its contribution to designing and overseeing Centrally
Sponsored Schemes (CSS), and its involvement in discretionary grantmaking. Central policy priorities and inter-state disagreements prevented
the Planning Commission from acquiring the role of a shared-rule institution, capable of offsetting the centralizing implications of the aforementioned policies. The article then speculates on what prompted the recent
replacement of the Planning Commission with the NITI Aayog and what
this may mean for shared rule and the nature of collaborative federalism
in India more in general. [R] [See Abstr. 67.5521]
TEODORO, Manuel P. ; BOND, Jon R. — Presidents,
baseball, and wins above expectations: what can sabermetrics tell us about presidential success?: why Ronald
Reagan is like Bobby Cox and Lyndon Johnson is like
Joe Torre. PS 50(2), Apr. 2017 : 339-346.
Presidential scholars and baseball writers debate who were the greatest.
While baseball analysis evolved from qualitative impressions of “experts”
to rigorous, data-driven “sabermetrics", analysis of presidential greatness
continues to rely on “old-school” reputational rankings based on surveys
of scholars’ qualitative assessments. Presidential-congressional relations
and baseball are all about winning, but what fans (of sports and politics)
find most intriguing is Wins Above Expectations (WAE) — did the team
do better or worse than expected? This paper adapts the Pythagorean
Expectations (PE) formula developed to analyze baseball to assess
legislative success of presidents from D. Eisenhower to B. Obama. A
parsimonious regression model and the PE formula predict annual
success rates with 90% accuracy. The estimates of WAE from the two
approaches, however, are uncorrelated. [R, abr.]
TEV, Denis B. — Federal’naja administrativnaja ėlita
Rossii: kar’ernye puti i kanaly rekrutirovanija (Federal
administrative elite of Russia: career paths and channels
of recruitment). Polis (Moscow), 2016(4) : 115-130.
The article presents the results of a study of channels of recruitment and
career paths of members of the administrative elite of the Russian
Federation, conducted in 2013-2014. The federal administrative elite was
understood as a set of persons occupying key positions in the structures
of Russian presidential and executive power. The analysis led to a
number of major conclusions. First, with all the variety of career paths,
the dominant trends are internal recruitment and professionalization of
high officials. Second, the militarization of the administrative elite is
essential, but outside the force structures themselves it is not the prevailing trend of recruitment. Third, the management of economic structures
is a significant, but usually indirect source of recruitment of elite administrators. [R, abr.]
THIEMEYER, Guido — Stiefkinder der Integration. Die
Bundesländer und die Entstehung des europäischen
Mehrebenensystems 1950 bis 1985 (Stepchildren of integration. The German Federal States and the emergence
of European multi-level governance, 1950 to 1985).
Vierteljahrshefte für Zeitgeschichte 65(3), 2017 : 339-364.
The article provides a historical analysis of the impact of supranational
European integration on German federalism based on archival research.
When it was set up in 1949, the political system of Germany was based
on a political equilibrium between the Länder and the Federal Government. With the beginnings of supranational European integration in the
1950s, when the Federal Government transferred certain elements of
national sovereignty to European organizations, this equilibrium was
disturbed. From now on the Länder governments developed different
strategies to prevent their creeping disempowerment which went along
with this constant change of the political system of the Federal Republic.
The article therefore deals with an aspect of “Europeanization” of Germany and the emergence of the so-called European multi-levelgovernance system. [R]
TURGEON, Mathieu ; BELANGER, Éric — Institutions and
attribution of responsibility outside the electoral context:
a look at French semi-presidentialism. European Political
Science Review 9(2), May 2017 : 209-231.
Some institutional arrangements may be undesirable for democracy by
obscuring which political actors are to be held responsible for failed or
successful policies and bad or good macroeconomic performances.
Much of the work in the area has focused on whether institutions affect
the "clarity of political responsibility" and the ability of voters to punish or
reward, in turn, governments and elected officials. Not much has been
said, however, about the assignment of responsibility outside the electoral context, for a broad range of policy areas. This paper explores these
questions in the context of French semi-presidentialism. It demonstrates
that the French public is surprisingly quite responsive to the demands
imposed by their political system. [R, abr.]
ULRIKSEN, Marianne S. — Mineral wealth and limited
redistribution: social transfers and taxation in Botswana.
Journal of Contemporary African Studies 35(1), Jan. 2017 :
There are palpable cracks in the Botswana economic growth success
story, most apparent in the evidence of persistent and extreme inequality.
This article offers new insights into the Botswana puzzle by focusing on
redistributive policies — taxation and transfers — as potential mechanisms to tackle poverty and inequality. The historical analysis explores
how the minimal redistributive policies reflect the interests of the elites
and how these actors justify their policy decisions with reference to the
needs of the poor — an important electoral constituency; and it links
policy developments to social and economic outcomes where no comprehensive social security system and negligible taxations means that
only the well-to-do are in positions of income security and only the most
vulnerable receive some relief. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.6252]
VLANDAS, Tim — Labour market developments and
policy responses during and after the crisis in France.
French Politics 15(1), Apr. 2017 : 75-105.
There is a large literature arguing that countries with high employment
protection legislation (EPL) have worse labor market performance. Yet,
the overall impact of the crisis on France’s labor market was comparatively limited. To solve this puzzle, this paper makes four points. First, it
shows that France’s labor market problems have not historically been
about high EPL. Second, the crisis in France was not as acute as in the
Euro area. Third, the costs of the crisis were concentrated on certain
labor market groups. Finally, the government introduced several labor
market policies in response to the crisis and labor market dualization
increased despite falling policy dualism. While deregulation seems to
have made matters worse, the government also introduced short-time
work schemes, prolonged unemployment benefits and extended active
labor market policies. [R, abr.]
WARE, Alan — [UK] Grammar schools, a policy of social
mobility and selection — Why? Political Quarterly 88(2),
Apr.-June 2017 : 280-290.
Initially, four plausible reasons for introducing selection in secondary
education are examined. These are: first, to ration education in less
advanced economies; second, to increase the supply of skilled labor
within an expanded national elite; third, as part of a "segmented" system
of education. A fourth — increasing upward social mobility — is open to
two objections: (1) the May government's proposals are so limited as to
have little likely impact on mobility and (2) upward mobility in the 20th c.
was possible only because of structural change in the British labor
market. Finally, it is argued that attempts to select the "best" in any
activity or skill are necessarily highly imperfect, and are far less accurate
than testing who does and does not meet some minimum level of competence. [R, abr.]
WEISSERT, Carol S. ; POLLACK, Benjamin ; NATHAN,
Richard P. — Intergovernmental negotiation in Medicaid:
Arkansas and the premium assistance waiver. Publius
47(3), Summer 2017 : 445-466.
Negotiations between federal and state officials are a mainstay of intergovernmental relations, but the politics of negotiation have been largely
understudied. We [examine] those politics by examining the development
of the Arkansas premium assistance waiver — an early and influential
Medicaid waiver. We examine the leverage of both the federal and state
governments in their efforts to reach agreement on a plan that suited
both sets of actors. The federal government was providing funding
important to the state, but the state had the capacity necessary to put a
program in place. The federal government wanted some type of expansion in a Southern state; Arkansas wanted to do it “their way". [R, abr.]
[See Abstr. 67.5461]
WEISSTANNER, David — The fiscal benefits of repeated
cooperation: coalitions and debt dynamics in 36 democracies. Journal of Public Policy 37(2), June 2017 : 143-172.
Do coalition governments really suffer from short time-horizons in fiscal
policymaking, as posited by standard political-economy models? This
article focuses on coalitions that have created high levels of familiarity
Institutions politiques et administratives
through shared governing experiences in the past and that are likely to
cooperate again in future governing coalitions. I argue that such coalitions have incentives to internalize the future costs of debt-accumulation
and reach credible agreements to balance their constituencies’ fiscal
preferences. Moreover, sustaining broad coalitions should have electoral
advantages to implementing controversial economic reforms, thus
resulting in lower debt increases compared not only with less durable
coalitions but also with single-party governments. Comparing 36 economically advanced democracies between (up to) 1962 and 2013, I
estimate the effects of coalitions’ cooperation prospects on the dynamics
of public debt. [R, abr.]
WERNER, Benjamin — National responses to the European Court of Justice case law on Golden Shares: the role
of protective equivalents. Journal of European Public Policy
24(7), 2017 : 989-1005.
It is broadly acknowledged that the Court of Justice of the European
Union (CJEU) is an important engine of European integration. Although
this role of the Court is well documented and analyzed, there still is little
research about the domestic effects of CJEU activism. This article
contributes to the emerging literature on Europeanization through case
law by analyzing national responses to the CJEU adjudication on so
called Golden Shares, a jurisdiction that limited member states’ influence
on privatized companies. It is argued that the domestic reactions to these
CJEU decisions were decisively conditioned by the presence of protective fallback options for the member states — and not by mobilization
pressure or legal uncertainty costs, the two most important determinants
of national responses to CJEU case law that have been identified so far
in the literature. [R, abr.]
WOLAK, Jennifer — Public expectations of state legislators. Legislative Studies Quarterly 42(2), May 2017 : 175209.
When members of Congress neglect the needs of their districts or vote
contrary to the wishes of their constituents, their public approval suffers.
Does the same hold true for representatives at the state level? Using
experiments, I explore whether people dole out similar rewards and
penalties to state legislators and members of Congress for their successes and shortfalls in representing constituents. I find that a similar
model of political accountability travels from national politics to state
politics. People value policy representation, casework, and attention to
the district as much from state legislators as they do from members of
Congress. [R]
WU Chung-li — Partisan divergence and public support
for the courts of Taiwan. Japanese Journal of Political Science 18(1), March 2017 : 139-154.
The role of the court system in national policymaking has long been a
central issue in democratic theory. Two contending theories, the traditional view and the realist one, have been offered to explain the influence
of the judiciary compared to other political institutions. Looking at the
subject from R. Dahl's realist perspective, it is hypothesized that supporters of the ruling majority generally have a favorable attitude toward
the courts, ceteris paribus. This study [examines] the issue of public
support by examining the public's evaluation of the judicial system in
Taiwan. It evaluates the impact of political factors (especially party
identification) on public support for the judiciary, based on the results of a
national survey carried out in 2014 to assess public attitudes toward the
courts and other political institutions. [R, abr.]
ZENG Qing-jie — The rise of the governance concept and
its application in China's public administration studies.
Fudan Journal (Social Sciences Edition), 2017(3) : 164-171.
[Article in Korean].
Originated from public administration studies in the West, the concept of
governance has received growing interests in China's official discourse
and academic literature. This article reviews the context in which governance studies flourished and examines the similarities and differences
in how the concept has been analyzed and applied between the West
and China. Similar to the Western discourse on governance, the Chinese
discourse advocates for pluralist governance based on governmentsociety cooperation and interactions between autonomous social organizations. However, attention to social governance in China is accompanied by efforts by the ruling party to enhance supervision of Party officials and the role of the bureaucracy in leading socio-economic development. We survey three major conceptual frameworks in the Chinese
governance literature: the pressure system, the project-based system,
and campaign-style governance. [R, abr.]
ZHI Qiang ; PEARSON, Margaret M. — China's hybrid
adaptive bureaucracy: the case of the 863 program for
science and technology. Governance 30(3), July 2017 :
Portrayals of China's bureaucratic behavior tend to emphasize either
streamlined central control via top-down directives emanating from a
Leninist system, or a highly fragmented organization characterized by
continuous horizontal bargaining. While both views have merit, they miss
important but little-recognized dynamics of Chinese bureaucratic behavior. Examination of the 30-year evolution of a single organization, China's
863 Program, allows us a unique look inside the “black box” of decisionmaking. First, we highlight a largely unrecognized mechanism of topdown control: a signal-response process that fosters substantial uncertainty for officials in the system. Second, our case highlights a circumstance in which reformers made radical moves — deployed as a “bandaid” layer of rational-instrumentalism — to meet a perceived external
security threat. [R, abr.]
ZHU De-mi ; ZHOU Lin-yi — Crisis and response: the
transformation of Chinese environmental governance institutional framework in contemporary China. Fudan
Journal (Social Sciences Edition), 2017(3) : 180-188. [Article
in Korean].
The paper explores the process of the transformation of Chinese environmental governance from administrative domination to administration,
market and the social cooperation governance based on the institutional
framework. With economic development, population growth and urbanization, some problems with the administration-dominated environmental
governance institutional framework have been gradually exposed. It
cannot effectively deal with transboundary pollution and multi-agent
incentive problem. The institutional framework changed from administration-dominated, whole nation system and the supervision is divided into
the sector and region into cooperation governance based on administrative mechanism, market mechanism, and social mechanism. It is the
choice of environmental governance system in China, which can integrate the three mechanisms of administration, market and society, break
the "regional boundaries" and the "functional boundary" and play a
synergistic role. [R, abr.]
ZHU Jiangnan ; QI Zhang ; LIU Zhikuo — Eating, drinking,
and power signaling in institutionalized authoritarianism:
China’s antiwaste campaign since 2012. Journal of Contemporary China 105, May 2017 : 337-352.
Immediately after Xi Jinping assumed the position of party secretarygeneral, he launched a large-scale top-down antiwaste campaign
amongst the Chinese cadre corps. Compared with similar policies announced by Xi’s predecessors, this campaign has distinct features that
entail substantial political risk for the party secretary-general. Why did Xi
choose this politically risky strategy? Drawing on recent literature on
authoritarian regimes, this article argues that, amongst all possible
objectives, an authoritarian leader such as Xi can use this type of policy
campaign to demonstrate his power. In particular, the inherent importance of informal politics, the recent developments in Chinese politics,
and Xi’s personal background have increased his incentive and capacity
to signal power by implementing such a campaign. A comparison with
Xi’s two predecessors, interviews, and statistical analyses support this
argument. [R, abr.]
Privatization and authoritarian regimes in East Asia.
Asian Perspective 41(2), Apr.-June 2017 : 181-262.
Introduction by Mark TURNER, Michael O'DONNELL and KWON SeungHo, "The politics of state-owned enterprise reform in South Korea, Laos,
and Vietnam", pp. 181-184. Articles by KWON Seung-Ho and Joseph
KIM, "Efficiency versus public good: electricity privatization in South
Korea", pp. 185-214; Nguyen Manh Hai and Michael O'DONNELL,
"Reforming state-owned enterprises in Vietnam: the contrasting cases of
Vinashin [Vietnam Shipbuilding Corporation Group] and Viettel [Military
Telecom Corporation]", pp. 215-237; Latdavanh SONGVILAY, Sthabandith INSISIENMAY and Mark TURNER, "Trial and error in stateowned enterprise reform in Laos", pp. 239-262.
Steuerpolitik (Fiscal policy). Aus Politik und Zeitgeschichte
67(23-25), 6 June 2017 : 4-36.
Articles by Elisabeth WEHLING; Stefan BACH; Constanze ELTER; Jens
Governmental and administrative institutions
State, regional and local institutions/Institutions locales et régionales
ADENEY, Katharine — Does ethnofederalism explain the
success of Indian federalism? India Review 16(1), Jan.March 2017 : 125-148.
Concerns are expressed that ethnofederalism will increase pressures for
secession and/or lead to increased violence through increasing a sense
of separateness of the people living within that territory, providing resources for political entrepreneurs to mobilize groups against the center
and will lead to the persecution of minorities within the ethnofederal
units. India is an example of a federation that appears to demonstrate
that ethnofederalism decreases rather than increases conflict through its
successful reorganization of states along linguistic lines. However, a
group-level analysis reveals a more diverse picture. India has simultaneously been both a success and a failure at conflict-management. [R, abr.]
[See Abstr. 67.5521]
ARNOLD, Tobias — Playing the vertical power game: the
impact of [Swiss] local authorities in cantonal parliaments on the financing of special schools. Swiss Political
Science Review 23(2), June 2017 : 116-143.
This study analyzes the effect of local authorities in the Swiss cantonal
parliaments on the allocation of special school costs. The empirical
findings show that a higher share of local authorities in the cantonal
legislature leads to a higher share of special school costs borne by the
cantonal authorities. The effect is stronger for mayors compared to all
members of local governments. Hence, mayors have a strong connection with their home municipality and use the political power of the accumulation of mandates for shifting undesirable costs from the local up to
the cantonal level. [R, abr.]
ASKIM, Jostein, et al. — Territorial upscaling of local
governments: a variable-oriented approach to explaining
variance among Western European countries. Local Government Studies 43(4), 2017 : 555-576.
Local government systems change at varying speeds. While some
countries have dramatically reduced the number of local governments
during a short period of time, other countries have seen only incremental
change or relative inertia. A number of explanations for structural change
have been put forward in the comparative local government literature,
but these explanations have to a small extent been tested empirically.
This article uses statistical indicators to analyze changes in the local
government systems in 17 Western European countries between 2004
and 2014. Some often-cited explanations for what drives structural
change receive little support. Still, the article demonstrates that changes
tend to occur in situations marked by different combinations of decentralization, urbanization, fiscal stress and a recent history of territorial upscaling. [R]
AYELE, Zemelak A. ; VISSER, Jaap de — The
(mis)management of ethno-linguistic diversity in Ethiopian cities. Ethnopolitics 16(3), June 2017 : 260-278.
Ethiopia has an ethnic federal system that is based on the assumption
that the ethno-linguistic communities of the country are located in neatly
defined, or definable, territorial areas. On the basis of this assumption
the federal system aspires to accommodate the ethnic diversity of the
Ethiopian people through, principally, if not exclusively, territorial
schemes. This assumption is, however, incorrect as far as urban areas
are concerned which, despite being territorially enclosed within one of
the ethnic-based regions or sub-regional units, have thousands of multiethnic dwellers. The territorial scheme thus fails to cater to a large
contingent of multiethnic urban dwellers. [R] [See Abstr. 67.6257]
BIRKHEAD, Nathaniel A. — State budgetary delays in an
era of party polarization. State and Local Government Review 48(4), Dec. 2016 : 259-269.
This article examines the relationship between [US] state budgetary
delays and party polarization. Although others have evaluated the influence of divided government on a state’s likelihood of passing a budget
on time, the influence of party polarization has not been explored. Given
the growing rate of party polarization in the American states, it is important to understand the implications that this trend has for the budgetary process. The first analysis in this article predicts if a budgetary delay
will occur, and the second evaluates the factors that explain how long the
stalemate continues when a delay occurs. [R] [See Abstr. 67.5500]
ALESINA, Alberto ; PARADISI, Matteo — Political budget
cycles: evidence from Italian cities. Economics and Politics
29(2), July 2017 : 157-177.
The introduction of a new real estate taxes in Italy in 2011 provides a
natural experiment, which is useful to test for political budget cycles. The
new real estate tax allowed discretion to local governments. This generates a random variation in the distance of municipalities from the following elections when they choose the level of the tax rate. We do find
substantial choosing lower tax rates when close the elections. We observe this budget cycle for smaller municipalities where the tax was more
likely to be the single most important issue for the local government.
Cities close to elections with large deficits did not set lower rates and so
did municipalities with a lower average value of properties. Finally, the
political budget cycle is stronger in the South. [R]
BRIGG, Morgan ; CURTH-BIBB, Jodie — Recalibrating
intercultural governance in Australian Indigenous organisations: the case of Aboriginal community controlled
health. Australian Journal of Political Science 52(2), June
2017 : 199-217.
Aboriginal Community Controlled Health Services (ACCHSs) have a
strong track record of delivering comprehensive primary health care in
Australia, but the sector also suffers from governance challenges. This
article argues that a combination of settler-state dominance of governance arrangements and inadequate conceptualization of governance in
the sector have led to the risk of “controlled communities” — either quasigovernment control of organizations or the control of individual ACCHSs
by a small cohort of members. In response, we deploy a political rather
than technical approach to governance to consider the contested and
intercultural nature of ACCHSs governance alongside recent governance
initiatives in Southeast Queensland that signal the value of disaggregating and delineating different forms of governance in the sector. [R, abr.]
BROWN, Alexander — The politics behind the introduction
of stirring up religious hatred offences in England and
Wales [UK]. Politics, Religion and Ideology 18(1), March
2017 : 42-72.
What was and is the real function of the stirring up religious hatred
offences in England and Wales? I canvass five possible explanations. In
the end I come down on the side of a pluralistic explanation that combines the public order explanation and the client politics explanation in
conjunction with the parity of protection explanation. I reject both the sop
explanation and the anti-terrorism explanation. [R]
BUNDI, Pirmin ; EBERLI, Daniela ; BÜTIKOFER, Sarah —
Between occupation and politics: legislative professionalization in the Swiss Cantons. Swiss Political Science Review 23(1), March 2017 : 1-20.
We consider the question of how professionalized the cantonal parliamentarians are and which factors are related to this professionalization.
By definition, Swiss parliamentarians exert an occupation in parallel to
their mandate. We argue that parliamentarians who spend more time for
their mandate have more resources to do so and, more importantly,
intend to pursue a political career. In doing so, we analyze data gathered
from a survey that was conducted among all Swiss cantonal parliaments
in 2014. Our multi-level analysis shows that parliamentarians who run for
office at the national level spend significantly more time for their parliamentary mandate than their colleagues. This effect decreases with the
parliamentarians’ age. This finding could be relevant in order to understand the career paths of Swiss parliamentarians. [R, abr.]
CARMO, André ; ESTEVENS, Ana — Urban citizenship(s)
in Lisbon: examining the case of Mouraria. Citizenship
Studies 21(4), June 2017 : 409-424.
[Recently, we] witnessed the progressive commodification of Lisbon. The
adoption of neoliberal strategies of urban development — oriented
towards competitiveness and aimed at putting Lisbon at the forefront of
the international metropolitan group — has contributed to the reshaping
of its landscape. The organization of flagship events, privatization of
public spaces and development of local policies oriented towards the
promotion of creative industries, and the increasing relevance that various forms of tourism have assumed, illustrate well the path that has been
followed. However, expressions of urban citizenship against this destructive trajectory have emerged, showing that the urban development of
Lisbon is a contentious process. We look at three expressions of citizenship in Mouraria, a neighborhood located in the historical center of
Lisbon, in which the tensions and contradictions between neoliberal
urbanism and urban citizenship take place. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.6372]
Institutions politiques et administratives
COOPER, Christopher A. ; MARIER, Patrik — Does it matter who works at the center? A comparative policy analysis of executive styles [in New Brunswick and Nova Scotia, Canada]. Journal of Comparative Policy Analysis: Research and Practice 19(1), Feb. 2017 : 1-16.
This article develops the concept of executive style to explore how
variations in the relationships between politicians, career civil servants,
and political appointees affect the types of policy outputs. A comparative
analysis of home care policies in New Brunswick and Nova Scotia finds
that the former’s civil service executive style — where professional civil
servants work in close partnership with politicians in all phases of the
policy process — led to the development of an innovative home care
program with a long-term vision, whereas the latter’s politicized executive
style — where politicians marginalize the role of civil servants in favor of
political appointees — led to frequent changes in policy largely driven by
short-term considerations. [R]
DAVIES, Andrew Lucas Blaize ; WORDEN, Alissa Pollitz —
Local governance and redistributive policy: explaining
local funding for public defense. Law and Society Review
51(2), June 2017 : 313-345.
In many American states, local governments have discretion over implementing and funding the right to counsel, resulting in considerable
variability in programs and funding levels. Placing this issue in the theoretical context of redistributive policies and politics, we investigate decisions on funding this service across upstate New York counties. Using
as a point of departure P. Peterson's classic explication of community
politics, we first model variation in funding as a function of counties' fiscal
capacity, need for services, and costs of supplying legal representation.
We also test Peterson's prediction that local political factors will play little
if any role in budget decisions. Second, through interviews with program
administrators we explore the characters of twelve defender programs in
which expenditures departed from the model's predictions. [R, abr.]
DISTELHORST, Greg ; HOU, Yue — Constituency service
under nondemocratic rule: evidence from China. Journal
of Politics 79(3), July 2017 : 1024-1040.
Why do nondemocratic regimes provide constituency service? This study
develops theory based on a national field audit of China’s “Mayor’s
Mailbox”, an institution that allows citizens to contact local political
officials. Analyzing government responses to over 1,200 realistic appeals
from putative citizens, we find that local service institutions in China are
comparably responsive to similar institutions in democracies. Two key
predictors of institutional quality are economic modernization and the
intensity of local social conflict. We explain these findings by proposing a
demand-driven theory of nondemocratic constituency service; in order to
sustain the informational benefits of citizen participation, the responsiveness of service institutions must increase with citizen demand. We then
offer supplementary evidence for this theory by analyzing the content of
real letters from citizens to local officials in China. [R]
ECKERSLEY, Peter — Cities and climate change: how
historical legacies shape policy-making in English and
German municipalities. Politics 37(2), May 2017 : 151-166.
This article draws on secondary historical sources and primary interviews
to highlight how the legacy of the creation of local governments in England and Germany has significant implications for policy-making in the
present day. By employing an institutionalist perspective to analyze how
one municipality in each country tries to promote renewable energy and
retrofit private housing, it demonstrates how historical factors have
resulted in the German Council having more capacity to act hierarchically
in local governance arrangements than its English counterpart. These
findings have notable implications for how governments at all levels seek
to tackle major challenges such as climate change. [R]
EDWARDS, Barry, et al. — Institutional control of redistricting and the geography of representation. Journal of
Politics 79(2), Apr. 2017 : 722-726.
A number of states have empowered independent redistricting commissions (IRCs) to redraw legislative districts each decade following the US
Census. Reformers see IRCs, which have binding authority and political
independence, as a solution to the practice of gerrymandering and have
proposed using them throughout the US. With less incentive to protect
incumbents, do IRCs adhere more closely to traditional redistricting
principles, such as drawing compact districts, maintaining continuity, and
respecting political subdivisions? We examine a large sample of congressional and state legislative districts and find that, relative to legislatures, IRCs tend to draw more compact districts, split fewer political
subdivisions, and may also do a better job of preserving the population
cores of prior districts. [R]
EIZAGUIRRE, Santiago ; PRADEL-MIQUEL, Marc ; GARCIA, Marisol — Citizenship practices and democratic gov-
ernance: "Barcelona en Comú" as an urban citizenship
confluence promoting a new policy agenda. Citizenship
Studies 21(4), June 2017 : 425-439.
Spanish cities have suffered increasing social inequality after the 2008
economic crisis and austerity policies. However, harshening social
conditions have also led to “acts of citizenship”. Against the background
of Marshallian and Tocquevillean takes on citizenship and civil society,
this paper analyzes the emergence of the political confluence that gained
office in the municipal elections of May 2015 in Barcelona incorporating
citizens’ organizations and advocacy groups. Barcelona en Comú claims
a radical change in policy orientation with a renewed citizenship agenda.
We argue that this is an example of urban citizenship that requires
historical contextualization. We see continuities and discontinuities
between the current local governance model and agenda and the democratic local governance model established during the 1980s when civil
society provided significant input. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.6372]
FARAGÓ, László ; SCOTT, James W. — Policy governance
from an autopoietic perspective: revisiting Hungary’s regionalization experience. European Planning Studies 25(6),
June 2017 : 1034-1052.
This perspective on Hungary’s post-socialist regional policy governance
is informed by an approach that relates region-building and regional
governance to social autopoiesis and the self-referential and self(re)producing nature of social systems such as states. Following debates
in regional studies that reflect tensions between the local constitution and
external determination of regional governance, we demonstrate how
Hungary has incorporated EU policy frameworks through specific appropriations of territorial politics and regional ideas. These appropriations
reflect Hungary’s post-socialist transformation not only in terms of responses to global forces, but also as specific spatial practices and regionalization experiences. This has in effect resulted in a regionalism
without regions — a strategy of Europeanizing territorial politics without
creating institutional structures that directly challenge existing power
relations. [R, abr.]
GAL-ARIELI, Nivi, et al. — New localism or fuzzy centralism: policymakers’ perceptions of public education and
involvement in education. Local Government Studies 43(4),
2017 : 598-620.
This research examines local authority involvement in education as a
function of local policymakers’ perceptions of education as a public
service — namely, whether public education is for the benefit of society
as a whole, or for individual students and parents. Perceptions of education and involvement in education were assessed through 107 questionnaires returned by mayors and heads of local education departments in
Israel. The results show that (1) local policymakers tend to perceive
public education as a general public service, and (2) the relationship
between this perception and involvement in education varies with the
locality’s center-periphery status. Implications of the findings are discussed in line with viewing education in the spirit of new localism. [R,
GARCIA, Beatriz — New citizenship in Spain: from social
cooperation to self-government. Citizenship Studies 21(4),
June 2017 : 455-467.
The crisis in Spain has generated new forms of solidarity that have
become new ways of being and living the city. Streets and houses have
been taken by the population in protests and direct actions. The 15M
movement, with its assemblies in every public square and park, the
"mareas" (waves), which occupied hospitals and schools to create
dialogue between parents and teachers and between doctors and patients, and the Platform of Mortgage Victims, the leading force in the
struggle against evictions, are three examples of new ways of understanding the city. In the context of these experiments in self-management
of the social reproduction of life, proposals for the transformation of
government have also emerged, pointing precisely to the strengthening
of citizen self-government. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.6372]
GONG Ting ; XIAO Hanyu — The formation and impact of
isomorphic pressures: extravagant position-related consumption in China. Governance 30(3), July 2017 : 387-405.
We examine the impact of isomorphic pressures on institutional practices, a field that has not been adequately explored and explained. A critical
issue, on which this article focuses, is the process by which isomorphic
pressures translate into homogenous institutional practices across
organizations. Drawing on the case of extravagant position-related
consumption in local governments in China, we identify the sources of
isomorphic pressures, how they come to have an impact, in what ways
they are manifested and how they are sustained. We find that institutionalized isomorphic pressures may create informal institutional practices in
contradiction to formal legal norms. We further analyze the endogenous
Governmental and administrative institutions
dynamics behind the formation of isomorphic pressures, which are
deeply embedded in the complex web of Chinese bureaucratic relationships. [R, abr.]
GONZÁLEZ, Lucas — Electoral competition and social
spending in the Argentine provinces. Journal of Politics in
Latin America, 2017(1) : 91-124.
What is the effect of political competition on subnational social spending?
Using descriptive statistics and regression models for original budget
panel data for the 24 Argentine provinces between 1993 and 2009, the
study finds that social spending increases the more secure governors
are electorally and the longer they have been in office. It also finds that
other arguments in the literature are relevant in explaining variations on
types of spending, such as partisan fragmentation in the districts. The
article discusses these findings for the Argentine provinces and explores
their implications with regard to the debates on the effects of electoral
competition and the design of social policies, especially in developing
countries and federal democracies. [R]
GRAZIOLI, Margherita — From citizens to citadins? Rethinking right to the city inside housing squats in Rome,
Italy. Citizenship Studies 21(4), June 2017 : 393-408.
In the prolonged aftermath of the economic crisis, urban citizenship is
becoming nuanced with a multifarious array of quotidian grassroots
organizational forms, aiming at re-appropriating essential right to the city,
such as housing. In the case of Rome, squatting has become a widespread practice for both native and migrant dwellers for tackling with
conditions of severe housing deprivation and lack of public housing,
despite the punitive legislative context. This paper contends that their
subjective composition, and the forms of organization and life stemming
from squatting nowadays, can contribute to updating Lefebvre’s definition
of right to the city, and his critique of the citizen as the enfranchised
subject for exerting a transformative power over the urban environment.
[R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.6372]
HARALDSSON, Mattias — When revenues are not revenues: the influence of municipal governance on revenue
recognition within Swedish municipal waste management. Local Government Studies 43(4), 2017 : 668-689.
This paper explores the influence of municipal governance forms and
structures on accounting compliance in municipal organizations. If
municipal governance forms and structures influence accounting compliance, then understanding these relationships becomes important when
discussing heterogeneous practice and efficient accounting regulation.
The context and object of analysis is the practices of revenue recognition
within the Swedish municipal solid waste-management sector. Overall,
this analysis identifies that financial accounting compliance is influenced
by municipal governance forms and structures, and the results further
highlight how financial accounting practices might diffuse through local
intra-organizational processes. [R, abr.]
HUNG Po-Yi ; BAIRD, Ian G. — From soldiers to farmers:
the political geography of Chinese Kuomintang territorialization in northern Thailand. Political Geography 58, May
2017 : 1-13.
This paper engages with the concept of territorialization through telling
the story of the transformation of Chinese former Kuomintang (KMT)
soldiers of Yunnanese origin and their descendants living in northern
Thailand, from being opium and heroin traders and smugglers, to becoming mercenaries fighting against the Communist Party of Thailand in
northern Thailand on behalf of the Thai military, to finally transforming
into tea farmers and traders through receiving development aid support
provided from the Republic of China (Taiwan). Taiwan's development aid
was ostensibly only for humanitarian purposes, but in reality also had
important underlying political objectives. We argue territorialization is a
more-than-human political technology. It frequently combines both
military politics and development politics, even though the literature often
separates these two elements, as if they are not frequently intertwined
and interrelated. [R, abr.]
JAIN, Purnendra ; SINGH MAINI, Tridivesh — India's subnational governments foray into the international arena.
Japanese Journal of Political Science 18(2), June 2017 : 286312.
Subnational governments (SNGs) in India are increasingly engaged
abroad through involvement in regional and global affairs, questioning
the central government on international matters, seeking foreign direct
investment, organizing trade fairs and investment summits, leading
economic missions, and hosting visiting dignitaries to showcase their
jurisdiction's economic potential. These new and emerging actors on
India's foreign affairs landscape are pluralizing and decentralizing India's
foreign policy, albeit in a limited way and on small scale, as all states and
territories are not as yet actively involved in foreign affairs. The paper
argues that management of India's external relations is no longer informed or conducted simply by a select group of diplomats, high-ranking
political leaders, and other specialist foreign policy advisers in New Delhi.
[R, abr.]
JÄSKE, Maija — "Soft" forms of direct democracy: explaining the occurrence of referendum motions and advisory referendums in Finnish local government. Swiss Political Science Review 23(1), March 2017 : 50-76.
This study investigates "soft" forms of direct democracy and identifies
factors that explain their occurrence. Soft direct democracy refers to nonbinding referendum motions and advisory referendums, which the literature on direct democracy has largely ignored. Strategic motives have
dominated previous explanations of the occurrence of initiatives and
referendums, but are less useful in exploring non-binding procedures of
direct democracy. The article distinguishes four types of factors — sociostructural, party system, political support and learning — and tests
hypotheses on their effects with sub-national data from Finland. The data
enable us to compare two different types of instruments — non-binding
referendum motions and advisory referendums — while controlling for
many unobserved factors. [R, abr.]
JENSEN, Jennifer M. — Governors and partisan polarization in the federal arena. Publius 47(3), Summer 2017 : 314341.
[US] Governors have always had to balance state interests with political
party interests. However, governors’ role in the federal arena, which
historically has had a significant bipartisan element, has shifted somewhat, today placing a greater emphasis on party interests. This change is
one of the degree; it is less a sea-change than a change in the salinity of
the sea. I provide evidence of this move to more partisan behavior and
explore two sets of interrelated factors that have influenced this change:
party polarization in Congress and state legislatures and among voters,
and the structure, activities and influence of the National Governors
Association, Democratic Governors Association, and Republican Governors Association. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.5461]
JENSEN, Jens Stissing ; CASHMORE, Matthew ; ELLE,
Morten — Reinventing the bicycle: how calculative practices shape urban environmental governance [in Copenhagen, Denmark]. Environmental Politics 26(3), May 2017 :
The concept of sustainability transitions has become increasingly prominent in academic and policy discourses during recent decades, but the
importance of the link between knowledge-producing epistemic practices
and urban governance has been underappreciated in this discourse.
Based on a case study of cycling in Copenhagen between 1900 and
2015, and drawing upon a governmentality-inspired analytical framework,
this research demonstrates that transformative governance may be
initiated by epistemic practices that render urban systems visible in other
ways. Urban cycling has been reconstructed over time in Copenhagen as
a traffic safety "problem", a component of the experiential and livable city,
and a health-producing (and hence economically valuable) regional
transport mode. The research findings emphasize that epistemic practices can provide a powerful stimulus for creating changes in urban governance. [R, abr.]
KANYANE, Modimowabarwa — Interfacing interplay of
local government, traditional leaders and society [in Republic of South Africa]. Journal of Contemporary African
Studies 35(2), Apr. 2017 : 212-220.
W. Wicomb from the Legal Resource Centre states that the Constitution
of the Republic of South Africa, 1996, marks the first time that customary
law was recognized as a law equal to its common law and even statutory
law counterparts. While this recognition is implicit in chapter two of the
Constitution, the Constitutional Court’s jurisprudence in 2000 placed such
recognition beyond doubt to make sure that the legislature and executive
entrench the understanding of constitutional recognition of customary
practices. This article considers the question: Is the interface of the
interplay of local government, traditional leaders and society possible to
restore transformation and community development where there are
traditional leaders’ presence? To answer, qualitative methodologies were
explored. [R, abr.]
KOGAN, Vladimir — Do [US] anti-union policies increase
inequality? Evidence from state adoption of right-to-work
laws. State Politics and Policy Quarterly 17(2), June 2017 :
The distribution of income lies at the intersection of states and markets,
both influencing and responding to government policy. Reflecting this
reality, increasing research focuses on the political origins of inequality in
Institutions politiques et administratives
the US. However, the literature largely assumes — rather than tests —
the political mechanisms thought to affect the income gap. This study
provides a timely reassessment of one such mechanism. Leveraging
variation in labor laws between states and differences in the timing of
adoption of right-to-work (RTW) legislation, I examine one political
mechanism blamed by many for contributing to inequality. Using a
variety of panel designs, I find little evidence that RTW laws have been a
major cause of growing income inequality. [R, abr.]
LI Huiping ; WANG Qingfang ; ZHENG Chunrong — Interjurisdictional competition and intracity fiscal disparity
across Chinese prefectural cities. Governance 30(3), July
2017 : 365-385.
Fierce competition among county-level governments has substantially
increased disparities in public service provision and housing markets
across urban China. The role of the changing intracity administrative
structure deserves scholarly, attention in this process. Building on an
interdisciplinary literature of public choice and cadre promotion theory,
we propose that interjurisdictional competition enlarges the intracity fiscal
disparity under China's transitional administrative and fiscal systems.
Results from fixed-effect panel data modeling confirm that cities with
higher level of interjurisdictional competition are associated with higher
intracity fiscal disparity. This study demonstrates how transition and
decentralization of the centralized fiscal system have long-term, intended
and unintended, impacts on fiscal inequality and urban stratification. [R,
LIN Jing ; TUSSING, A. Dale — Inter-regional competition
in retirement benefit growth — The role of the subnational government in authoritarian China. Journal of
Contemporary China 105, May 2017 : 434-451.
After the Chinese central government announced a policy of raising
retirement benefits in 2005, there ensued a race to the top in pension
benefit growth among its 31 provincial units. This study explains how this
seemingly unusual nationwide social welfare expansion came about in
authoritarian China. It helps to open up the black box of mysterious
Chinese politics. The study highlights the roles of sub-national governments in decentralized Chinese social welfare policy-making. Instead of
treating authoritarian rulers as unitary actors, this study looks into the
interplay of center and provinces in a decentralized authoritarian political
system. [R, abr.]
MARTINEZ-PALACIOS, Jone — Inclusive local governance: normative proposals and political practices. Local
Government Studies 43(4), 2017 : 577-597.
This article specifies the conditions that a democratic expansion process
would require in order to be inclusive in the face of complex forms of
inequality. The dialogue between the qualitative analysis of an inclusive
local governance experience initiated in Ottawa in 2004 and proposals to
integrate the egalitarian perspective of critical deliberative theory and
intersectionality theories throws up two elements that facilitate inclusive
deliberative governance: (1) the incorporation of the intersectional perspective into the design and running of local governance apparatuses
and (2) the implementation of enclave deliberation. [R]
MASSETTI, Emanuele ; SCHAKEL, Arjan H. — Decentralisation reforms and regionalist parties’ strength: accommodation, empowerment or both? Political Studies 65(2),
June 2017 : 432-451.
The article provides a comprehensive analysis of the impact of decentralization on regionalist parties’ strength in both national and regional
elections. We consider decentralization both as a putatively crucial
event, that is, the creation of an elected regional government, and as a
process. Our study is based on a dataset including aggregate vote
shares for 227 regionalist parties competing in 329 regions across 18
Western democracies. Our findings show that decentralization as an
event has a strong impact on the number of regionalist parties, as it
triggers processes of proliferation and diffusion. Decentralization as a
process has an overall empowerment effect in regional elections, while it
does not have an effect in national elections. [R, abr.]
MIDEGA, Milkessa — Ethiopian federalism and the ethnic
politics of divided cities: consociationalism without
competitive multiparty politics in Dire Dawa [Ethiopia].
Ethnopolitics 16(3), June 2017 : 279-294.
In addition to regional-states, Ethiopia also has two federally chartered
cities. This paper is an examination of the semi-consociational system
found in the city of Dire Dawa, situated between the Somali regionalstate of Ethiopia and Oromia. There is a power-sharing arrangement that
the Federal Government has imposed on the ethnic groups competing
for the control of Dire Dawa. There is segmental autonomy, proportionality, and a grand coalition; yet this has taken place outside the formal
constitutional framework. The arrangement seems to have contained the
more combative elements of ethnic nationalism, but relative political
stability has come at the expense of grassroots democracy. [R] [See
Abstr. 67.6257]
MOLDENAES, Turid ; TORSTEINSEN, Harald — Repoliticisation as post-NPM response? Municipal companies in a Norwegian context. Local Government Studies
43(4), 2017 : 512-532.
This is an exploratory study of re-politicization of municipal companies in
one Norwegian municipality. Unlike re-municipalization, which seems to
imply the reversal of privatization and out-contracting, and the reinstitution of municipal ownership, the Norwegian case demonstrates a continued adherence to the provision of certain public services through municipal companies. However, our study reveals increasing re-politicization,
especially with respect to board composition. The mechanisms behind
this process seem first and foremost to be a post-new public management (NPM) response (re-centering) combined with efforts of rebalancing
NPM-inspired solutions without changing them in any fundamental way
(learning from experience). [R]
NG Yee-Fui, et al. — Democratic representation and the
property franchise in Australian local government. Australian Journal of Public Administration 76(2), June 2017 :
Australia remains one of the last liberal democracies to retain a property
franchise at the local government level, the result of both historical
particularities and contemporary political arrangements. This article
analyzes the property franchise in Melbourne, the capital of Victoria,
based on democratic theory and an empirical study. It illustrates the
tensions between the democratic principles of representation and political
equality in defining structures for representation at the local government
level. The authors suggest that a more nuanced interpretation of representation can be adopted at a local level based on territorial residency
rather than legal citizenship. Despite this, based on analysis of both
electoral and non-electoral mechanisms, the property franchises are
found to be anachronistic and indefensible from a democratic perspective
and unrelated to the status of capital city. [R, abr.]
NIAOUNAKIS, Thomas ; BLANK, Jos — Inter-municipal
cooperation, economies of scale and cost efficiency: an
application of stochastic frontier analysis to Dutch municipal tax departments. Local Government Studies 43(4),
2017 : 533-554.
Inter-municipal cooperation is increasingly popular in European countries. Saving cost is a key motivation. This paper analyzes the relation
between inter-municipal cooperation and cost efficiency among Dutch
municipal tax departments between 2005 and 2012. Motivated by the
notion that cost savings are ascribed to scale economies, the relation
between cooperation and cost is modeled explicitly through scale. The
size of the cooperation is incorporated as a determinant of cost efficiency. The results indicate that inter-municipal cooperation can contribute to
reducing cost and that the relation can be explained by scale. Other than
through scale, municipalities that cooperate are not estimated to operate
significantly more or less efficient. [R, abr.]
NOLETTE, Paul — The dual role of state attorneys general
in American federalism: conflict and cooperation in an
era of partisan polarization. Publius 47(3), Summer 2017 :
A key development during the B. Obama Administration was the increasing importance of state attorneys-general (AGs) in national policymaking. This article examines the dual role that AGs played during the
Obama years. The first role was highly contentious, with Republican AGs
leading several multistate challenges to Obama Administration priorities
and successfully limiting President Obama’s policy legacy. The second
role was more cooperative, involving increasing coordination between
AGs and their federal counterparts in national enforcement efforts.
Relying on case studies in the areas of immigration enforcement, climate-change regulation, and the oversight of for-profit higher education,
this article highlights several crucial trends concerning the activities of
these important state-level actors. [R] [See Abstr. 67.5461]
PARK Sanghee — Local revenue structure under economic hardship: reliance on alternative revenue sources in
California counties [USA]. Local Government Studies 43(4),
2017 : 645-667.
This article investigates how a worsening economy affects local revenue
structure, and whether the impact is moderated by the fiscal relationship
within higher levels of government. The revenue potential of nontax
sources — fees/charges and fines/forfeitures — is considerable for local
governments under economic hardship. With the panel data from Califor-
Governmental and administrative institutions
nia counties over a period of 11 years (2000-2010), this article shows
that reliance on nontax revenue largely depends on the economic and
fiscal factors that vary across counties, and the effect of economy is
contingent on local dependence on intergovernmental transfers. Counties are likely to raise nontax revenue when the economy worsens and
their transfer-dependence increases, while the marginal effect of the
economic indicators changes from negative to positive as transfer dependence increases. [R, abr.]
RIVERSTONE-NEWELL, Lori — The rise of state preemption laws in response to [US] local policy innovation.
Publius 47(3), Summer 2017 : 403-425.
This article analyzes the increasing use of state pre-emption law by
conservative [US] state leaders as a tool to rein in progressive local
governments. The scope and special qualities of recent state preemption laws are explored by examining legislation pre-empting local
fracking bans, preventing minimum wage ordinances, targeting sanctuary city policies, overturning LGBT rights ordinances, and enacting
blanket preemption measures. Reasons for the recent surge of state preemption laws are suggested, and the overall effectiveness of these laws
is discussed. I conclude that rising conservative dominance of state
legislatures has provided the opportunity to thwart progressive local
policies, and these efforts have been aided by various industry and
conservative organized groups. State pre-emption laws are not always
successful in their aims. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.5461]
SAREEN, Siddharth — Who governs local access in
Jharkhand? Mechanisms of access to government services. Forum for Development Studies 44(2), June 2017 :
The Indian state of Jharkhand, formed in 2000, is one instance where
little is known about local access to services: the literature reflects a lack
of local democracy but rarely considers the relationship between these
aspects. Therefore, this study examines the processes through which
local actors access benefits from two contrastingly structured government services, using an access-analysis framework. The empirical basis
comprises two cases in Jharkhand’s forest villages: government service
(1) in kendu leaf trade regulation and (2) of minimum-wage work opportunities for rural households. The objective of each is to benefit poor
villagers such as the indigenous Ho people inhabiting these communities. The study explains through what mechanisms access occurs and
the distribution of benefits this enables across local actors. [R, abr.]
SINGER, Phillip M. — States of reform: polarization, longterm services and supports, and Medicaid waivers. State
and Local Government Review 48(4), Dec. 2016 : 246-258.
A growing percentage of [US] state budgets has been focused on caring
for individuals who receive long-term services and supports (LTSS).
States have an important tool to reduce the costs of caring for individuals
with LTSS, Medicaid Section 1915© waivers. Using logistic regression,
whether and when a state decides to apply for a waiver during the years
1993-2014 is tested. Wealthier, larger states are more likely to apply for
waivers, while previous waiver applications are related to fewer applications. The role of political polarization within the legislature has mixed
results on whether a state decides to apply for a waiver. [R] [See Abstr.
TURCHENKO, Mikhail — The rise and fall of local selfgovernment in Petrozavodsk [Russia]. Demokratizatsiya
25(2), Spring 2017 : 155-174.
This article examines the causal mechanism that resulted in the recall of
in Petrozavodsk city mayor at the end of 2015. The analysis shows that
the regional authorities played the leading role in occasioning this outcome. They decided to remove the in Petrozavodsk mayor after failing to
control her actions in office. The key step toward implementing this
decision was eliminating the autonomy of political elites, who supported
the mayor. The regional authorities replaced popular mayoral elections in
the city with the appointment of a city manager in order to assure their
political control in the future. The case study demonstrates that the
survival of mayoral governance and direct mayoral elections in Russian
cities depend on mayoral loyalty to the regional authorities. [R]
WANG Wen — The effects of political and fiscal incentives on local government behavior: an analysis of fiscal
slack in China. International Public Management Journal
20(2), 2017 : 294-315.
This study examines the determinants of fiscal slack from the perspective
of Chinese local government officials. Given China's rapid economic
growth over the past 30-plus years, Chinese local governments reportedly hold huge slack resources that attract public scrutiny. In an effort to
improve their fiscal performance, some localities recently established
budget stabilization funds, following a top-down initiative. However, it
remains unclear to what extent fiscal slack has accumulated and which
factors affect slack resource levels of Chinese local governments. This
study finds that political and fiscal factors exert significant influence over
local officials’ decisions about slack resource levels. The findings of the
study bear implications for establishing fiscal rules and improving the
performance of sub-national governments in China and other countries.
WU Fulong — China's emergent city-region governance: a
new form of state spatial selectivity through stateorchestrated rescaling. International Journal of Urban and
Regional Research 40(6), Nov. 2016 : 1134-1151.
This article examines the emergence of city-region governance as a
specific state spatial selectivity in post-reform China. The process has
been driven by the state in response to the crisis of economic decentralization, and to vicious inter-city competition and uncoordinated development. As part of the recentralization of state power, the development of
urban clusters (chengshiqun) as interconnected city-regions is now a
salient feature of "new urbanization" policy. I argue that the Chinese cityregion corresponds to specific logics of scale production. Economic
globalization has led to the development of local economies and further
created the need to foster "regional competitiveness". [R, abr.]
WYATT, Andrew — Paradiplomacy of India’s chief ministers. India Review 16(1), Jan.-March 2017 : 106-124.
Since the mid-1990s, state governments within India’s federal system
have taken a greater interest in foreign relations. They have sought
indirect influence by lobbying the central government to take account of
their preferences and direct influence by seeking investment and making
links with international organizations and other national and subnational
governments. This article considers how chief ministers engage in parallel diplomacy noting how they draw on regional cultural resources and
make connections with a regionally defined diaspora. The article finds
that some chief ministers have embraced the role of “chief diplomat”,
while others take a more discreet approach to international activity.
Comparing the cases of Andhra Pradesh, Kerala, and Tamil Nadu reveals the political logic for expanding, de-emphasizing, or avoiding
international engagement. [R] [See Abstr. 67.5521]
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