Accepted Manuscript The career adaptive refugee: Exploring the structural and personal barriers to Refugee resettlement Emily D. Campion PII: DOI: Reference: S0001-8791(17)30132-X doi:10.1016/j.jvb.2017.10.008 YJVBE 3119 To appear in: Journal of Vocational Behavior Received date: Revised date: Accepted date: 28 February 2017 23 October 2017 24 October 2017 Please cite this article as: Emily D. Campion , The career adaptive refugee: Exploring the structural and personal barriers to Refugee resettlement. The address for the corresponding author was captured as affiliation for all authors. Please check if appropriate. Yjvbe(2017), doi:10.1016/j.jvb.2017.10.008 This is a PDF file of an unedited manuscript that has been accepted for publication. As a service to our customers we are providing this early version of the manuscript. The manuscript will undergo copyediting, typesetting, and review of the resulting proof before it is published in its final form. Please note that during the production process errors may be discovered which could affect the content, and all legal disclaimers that apply to the journal pertain. ACCEPTED MANUSCRIPT 2 T CAREER ADAPTIVE REFUGEE a AN US Emily D. Campiona CR Resettlement IP The Career Adaptive Refugee: Exploring the Structural and Personal Barriers to Refugee University at Buffalo, The State University of New York, Department of Organization and CE PT ED M Human Resources, Buffalo, NY Correspondence author: AC Emily D. Campion 261 Jacobs Management Center University at Buffalo, The State University of New York Buffalo, NY, 14260 Contact: [email protected] 765-427-0309 ACCEPTED MANUSCRIPT CAREER ADAPTIVE REFUGEE 3 Abstract In this paper I advance a job-search model to explain the structural and personal barriers between career adaptability and refugee resettlement success. Building from career construction and T social network theories, I argue that while career adaptability—or the ability of an individual to IP navigate career transitions—generally shares a strong positive relationship with objective CR markers of success (e.g., pay and job quality), this is not necessarily generalizable to refugees US who likely experience downward occupational mobility. Specifically, I posit that as a method of adaptation, refugees prioritize the generation of networks for social safety over acquiring jobs AN that align with their skillset. Yet, doing so limits their objective resettlement success, characterized by lower status jobs than previous employment, low pay, and fewer opportunities M for host country language ability growth. Career adaptive refugees are even more likely to focus ED on network generation due to discrimination threat and host country language ability upon PT arrival. Further, gender, education, and prior experience hinder a refugee’s ability to obtain a job commensurate with experience and qualifications prior to migration. However, because being CE embedded in a network creates social resources such as support and social legitimacy, a AC refugee’s newly created network acts as a key mechanism through which career adaptive refugees experience high physical and mental health, stronger social ties, and higher life satisfaction. Recommendations for testing these propositions and methodological considerations are discussed. Keywords: refugees; career adaptability; social networks; objective resettlement success; subjective resettlement success ACCEPTED MANUSCRIPT CAREER ADAPTIVE REFUGEE 4 The Career Adaptive Refugee: Exploring the Structural and Personal Barriers to Refugee Resettlement T Recent headlines telling of the influx of refugees across national borders suggest labor IP markets of developed countries are changing, highlighting the topic of refugee resettlement. One CR of the most salient examples is the recent migration of more than five million Syrians into Europe, Turkey, Lebanon, and other regions that share a Mediterranean coast since the beginning US of the Syrian Civil War in 2011 (Eurostat 2017a; “UN: Number of Syrian refugees passes five AN million,” 2017). Meanwhile, citizens of developed nations collide over the divisive issue of immigration as vocal Populist movements emerge in the United States and European Union M (McBride, 2017; Thrush, 2017). Yet, refugees continue to migrate, making the motivation to ED understand refugee resettlement stronger than ever (Feliciano & Lanuza, 2017). While work is central to a successful resettlement, only recently has this topic received PT more attention from organizational and vocational researchers. In this paper I demonstrate that CE although literature on the job-search process is informative and expansive (e.g., Wanberg, 2012), this domain has assumed job seekers are native to the country within which they are applying AC and are familiar with the labor market. Yet, the nuances of the refugee population do not allow for direct application of these findings. For example, once in the host country, refugees face obstacles from language and cultural differences to discrimination, in addition to uncertainty, separation from family, and coping with pre-flight trauma (trauma that occurs before migration, e.g., civil wars, genocide, and torture, Connor, 2010; Esses, Medianu, & Lawson, 2013). ACCEPTED MANUSCRIPT CAREER ADAPTIVE REFUGEE 5 Compounding these challenges are impoverished host country networks crucial to personal support and job acquisition (Yakushko, Backhaus, Watson, Ngaruiya, & Gonzalez, 2008). In order to understand the phenomenon of resettlement through the lens of organizational or vocational scholarship, in this conceptual paper I weave together three complementary T domains—career construction theory, social networks, and job search literature—to advance IP propositions about resettlement success. The thesis of this paper is that a refugee’s arrival in a CR host country will activate career adaptability, which will influence subjective and objective resettlement success via social network generation and use. Career adaptability is “the readiness US to cope with the predictable tasks of preparing for and participating in the work role and with the AN unpredictable adjustments prompted by changes in work and working conditions” (Savickas, 1997, p. 254). Structural and personal barriers (e.g., gender role expectations, language fluency) M will limit objective success, but refugees will adapt by reframing occupational realities and ED focusing on network generation, ultimately yielding higher levels of subjective resettlement success (see Figure 1). PT Researchers have largely conceptualized resettlement success as an amalgam of the CE following: employment status, host language proficiency, general physical health, financial status, acculturation, and rate of reemployment (Beiser, 2003; Tollefson, 1986). More abstractly, AC scholars have defined resettlement success as whether or not life is “back to normal,” alluding to a returned sense of control (Colic-Peisker & Tilbery, 2003, p. 62). However, for the purposes of fleshing out the resettlement experience, I differentiate between objective measures of resettlement success (e.g., pay and status) and perceptions of success, or subjective success (e.g., mental health and life satisfaction). Objective resettlement success is defined as the status of a current job relative to previous employment (also called occupational mobility, Chiswick, Lee, & ACCEPTED MANUSCRIPT CAREER ADAPTIVE REFUGEE 6 Miller, 2005), pay, and opportunities for host country language growth. Research has consistently demonstrated that host country language ability is critical to career development and wage increases over time (Chiswick & Miller, 2002; Shields & Price, 2002). As such, the model accounts for varying levels of host country language proficiency upon arrival and language T ability growth opportunities representative of potential skill development. In contrast to objective IP resettlement success, subjective resettlement success is defined as mental and physical health, CR strength of social ties, and life satisfaction. Distinguishing between these types of resettlement success is important for two reasons. US First, success is an evaluative judgement (Judge, Cable, Boudreau, & Bretz, 1985) where an AN individual may perceive success, but standardized measures such as pay may not similarly reflect this success. Analogous to research on career success, which distinguishes between objective M (pay and promotions) and subjective (job and career satisfaction) success (see Ng, Eby, ED Sorensen, & Feldman, 2005), I allow for both observable and unobservable resettlement outcomes. Second, resettlement success as one construct assumes objective measures can be PT predicted similarly to subjective measures. Career adaptability’s relationship with objective CE success is more sensitive to barriers beyond the individual’s control, such as gender role expectations or host country language ability upon arrival, than its relationship with subjective AC outcomes. Further, objective markers of resettlement success provide an economic perspective, while, subjective resettlement success represents the relief of living without threat, or the satisfaction of the simple act of working (Colic-Peisker & Tilbery, 2003). Finally, The current paper will contribute to the literature in three ways. First, I expand career construction theory (Savickas, 2002) by considering important sociological factors at play. A core tenet of this theory is that humans create their own success. Despite disruptions, a job ACCEPTED MANUSCRIPT CAREER ADAPTIVE REFUGEE 7 seeker’s education and experience, in addition to effortful job search behaviors and career adaptability, will yield high-quality employment. However, career construction theorists have neglected a direct examination of how structural forces (e.g., social networks, gender norms) promote or limit an individual’s ability to employ agency (Stryker, 2008). While research has T demonstrated networks largely yield positive employment outcomes (see Granovetter, 1973; Lin, IP 1999; Porter, Woo, & Campion, 2015), scholars also recognize that networks can also act as a CR barrier to success (Granovetter, 1973; Mahuteau & Junankar, 2008). As such, I integrate these ability (career adaptability) and structural barriers. US theories to illustrate how resettlement success is best understood at the intersection of individual AN Second, I explore the paradoxical role of career adaptability. Career adaptability is a psychosocial construct used to explain self-regulation during the job search. A career adaptive M refugee evaluates, plans, makes decisions, and manages environmental factors in order to ED achieve the goal of acquiring a job (Colic-Peisker & Tilbury, 2003). During this process, I posit refugees seek out social ties to secure a sense of belonging and life satisfaction, but using these PT newly formed strong ties for employment results in lower objective resettlement success. CE Finally, I respond to calls from job search researchers to better understand adaptational responses to job-search challenges and how social networks may be more helpful in some AC populations than others (Wanberg, Basbug, Van Hooft, & Samtani, 2012; Wanberg, Hough, & Song, 2002). In doing so, I propose how extreme challenges (e.g., arriving with few or no social ties, no knowledge of labor market) bring different elements of the job search process to light. For example, while being adaptable during the job search in an individual’s home country helps incrementally above and beyond education and work experience, it is likely the case for a ACCEPTED MANUSCRIPT CAREER ADAPTIVE REFUGEE 8 refugee that career adaptability is one of the most important elements because education and experience may not translate to the host country’s market. Defining a Refugee, the Legal Resettlement Process, and Differentiating Refugee Job Seekers from Native Job Seekers T A refugee, as defined by the 1951 UNHCR Convention and Protocol Relating to the IP Status of Refugees (2011), CR is owing to well-founded fear of being persecuted for reasons of race, religion, nationality, membership of a particular social group or political opinion, is outside the US country of his nationality and is unable or, owing to such fear, is unwilling to avail AN himself of the protection of that country; or who, not having a nationality and being outside the country of his former habitual residence as a result of such events, is unable M or, owing to such fear, is unwilling to return to it. ED Currently, there are more than 21.3 million refugees worldwide (UNHCR, 2017). The U.S. has historically been one of the top receivers accepting 70,000 annually in recent years, PT culminating in more than 3 million refugees since 1975 (U.S. Department of State, 2015). More CE recently, however, the E.U. has experienced a significant increase. For example, whereas Germany received 108,000 asylum applications between 2008 and 2010, they received more than AC 1.6 million between 2011 and 2016 (i.e., the Syrian refugee crisis; Eurostat, 2017b). Refugees are distinct from asylum-seekers such that their claims regarding threats to safety have not been substantiated and they cannot work, but likely already live, in the host country. Conversely, refugees’ claims have been substantiated and they have the legal right to work. Once substantiated, asylum seekers obtain refugee status. The Refugee Resettlement Process ACCEPTED MANUSCRIPT CAREER ADAPTIVE REFUGEE 9 The refugee resettlement processes in the E.U. and U.S. are similar. Government agencies and non-profit organizations try to place refugees in cities with available jobs and preexisting communities of the same ethnicity. Resettlement agencies provide assistance with housing, employment services, host country language courses, and healthcare (European T Resettlement Network, 2017; Refugee Council USA, 2017). Eligibility to apply for citizenship IP varies by country. While some refugees choose to apply for citizenship, others may return to CR their home countries should the threat to their lives be eliminated (e.g., the ending of a war). Differentiating Refugees from Native-Born Job Seekers US As mentioned, nearly all of the existing job-search frameworks have limited external AN validity to non-native populations due to important distinctions from native job seekers. Whereas natives have the advantage of existing social networks, likely a domestic education, and M exposure to the country’s labor market, refugees must create new social networks and develop a ED novice understanding of the labor market (Torezani, Colic-Peisker, & Fozdar, 2008). Further, while research shows applicants are most interested in whether their knowledge, skills, abilities, PT and other characteristics (KSAOs) match the demands of the job (Jansen & Kristof-Brown, 2006; CE Wanberg et al., 2002), this alignment may not be as important to refugee job seekers as working around similar others due to the challenge of adapting to a foreign culture (Berry, Kim, Minde, & AC Mok, 1987). Migrants thus tend to congregate into collectives for support at home (e.g., Manhattan’s Chinatown and Berlin’s Turkish neighborhoods) and at work (Colic-Peisker & Tilbury, 2006; Finnan, 1981) highlighting the importance of communities in migrant populations perhaps beyond what native job seekers pursue. Finally, before they were refugees, some enjoyed highly successful careers in their home countries (e.g., doctors, teachers, lawyers). However, those qualifications may hold little merit in their host country, which can lead to a ACCEPTED MANUSCRIPT CAREER ADAPTIVE REFUGEE 10 dramatic downturn in employment opportunities, financial stability, and meaningfulness of work, which is another challenge native-born job seekers do not have to face. Toward a Framework of Career Adaptive Refugee Resettlement Career Construction Theory and Career Adaptability T Job search is defined as “a purposive, volitional pattern of action that begins with the IP identification and commitment to pursuing an employment goal” (Kanfer, Wanberg, & CR Kantrowitz, 2001, p. 838). Employment goals include attaining a job in a particular industry or occupation that aligns with the seeker’s KSAOs, such as his or her self-concept. According to US career construction theorists, changes in employment reflect the implementation and AN development of the self-concept—or how an individual views him or herself—because individuals are not merely passive recipients, but rather active participants in the creation of, and M response to, employment events (Savickas, 2002; 2013; Super, 1953). Central to this process is ED an individual’s career adaptability (Savickas, 1997). Career adaptability is a self-regulatory construct that informs individual differences in PT career trajectories. Self-regulation allows individuals to modify their behaviors and attitudes to CE better align themselves with their intended goal (Lord, Diefendorff, Schmidt, & Hall, 2010). Career adaptability serves this function in response to employment challenges such as AC promotions, changes in organizations, layoffs (Savickas & Porfeli, 2012; Zacher, 2014), or refugee resettlement. Research has shown that unemployed individuals report higher career adaptability than employed individuals (Maggiori, Johnston, Krings, Massoudi, & Rossier, 2013), suggesting that challenging occupational circumstances trigger adaptive coping mechanisms. As such, career adaptive individuals are better equipped to navigate ill-defined ACCEPTED MANUSCRIPT CAREER ADAPTIVE REFUGEE 11 career problems, modify career expectations, and exert self-control to adjust to vocational transitions, and meet resettlement goals (Del Corso & Rehfuss, 2011; Savickas & Porfeli, 2012). Resettlement comprises two goals: finding employment and securing social support (Colic-Peisker & Tilbury, 2003). Refugees, while potentially more educated than other T immigrant groups, often struggle the most with fewer social connections and weaker fluency in IP the host country’s language (Bloch, 2004) due to lack of preparedness (e.g., language training) as CR migration is likely unplanned. Fewer social connections leave refugees vulnerable in two ways. First, the fewer social ties a refugee has, the less social support he or she has to aid in US resettlement. Second, social networks are a key way refugees seek and attain employment, so AN fewer connections suggest less access to employment information. To reduce this vulnerability, refugees will prioritize creating social connections. M People are more inclined to associate with similar others than dissimilar others, which is ED a phenomenon known as homophily (McPherson, Smith-Lovin, & Cook, 2001). Similarity can be based on gender, ethnicity, race, nationality, or language. In the case of refugees and other PT immigrants this can result in racial or ethnic isolation and homogenous social networks as they CE turn inward to navigate resettlement. Some scholars have found that immigrants and refugees are more likely to utilize social networks as a way to learn about employment opportunities rather AC than manage the uncertainty associated with reaching out to individuals they don’t know (Drever & Hoffmeister, 2008; Elliott, 2001). This effect is likely conditioned on the degree of assimilation such that immigrants who have more host-country connections, who are more fluent in the host-country language, and have more education are more likely to use formal methods, such as employment agencies, rather than informal methods (Seibel & van Tubergen, 2013). The ACCEPTED MANUSCRIPT CAREER ADAPTIVE REFUGEE 12 challenge of finding employment is worsened by a lack of familiarity with the host country labor market and poor translation of education and experience across cultural lines. As such, career adaptability plays an important role in refugee resettlement such that career adaptability provides a refugee the internal resources necessary to modify expectations, T and implement adaptive coping strategies to manage resettlement. More specifically, a career IP adaptive refugee will recognize the potential employment opportunities available by creating and CR utilizing a social network, thus prioritizing social connections. Further, a career adaptive refugee misalignment between KSAOs and job demands. US has the self-regulatory capacity to reduce discrepancies in his or her self-concept due to AN In sum, there are four reasons why a career adaptive refugee will invest more resources in creating social ties than finding commensurate work. First, a refugee likely has an impoverished M host-country network. Second, lack of host country language ability makes it difficult to connect ED with dissimilar others. Third, he or she may not know who to trust, so reaching out to similar others reduces risk. Fourth, a career adaptive refugee would identify the potential to seeking PT employment through these networks and working alongside social ties rather than face the CE uncertainty of seeking a job that aligns with his or her skillset likely alongside dissimilar others. Therefore, I posit (see Figure 1): AC Proposition 1. Career adaptability is positively related to the generation of a social network and the use of a social network in the refugee job search process. Structural and Personal Barriers to Refugee Resettlement Success While scholars recognize that layoffs and other negative employment circumstances impede career goals, the underlying notion of career construction theory is that qualifications, the alignment between a job seeker’s self-concept and work, and his or her career adaptability will ACCEPTED MANUSCRIPT CAREER ADAPTIVE REFUGEE 13 yield objective success (Johnston, 2016). Yet, neglecting non-work barriers reduces the generalizability of the theory. Research shows that job seekers with constraints, such as not having a vehicle and needing affordable childcare, are more likely to experience downward occupational mobility and report intent to turnover (Wanberg et al., 2002). Yet one’s own T network can similarly impede such that refugees who seek job information from their networks IP are limited to opportunities within that network. This concentration of workers of similar CR ethnicities in certain industries or companies is called “ethnic niche employment” and is generally characterized by low status and low pay (Colic-Peisker & Tilbury. 2006). US Ethnic niche employment occurs for three reasons: need for a job, need for belonging, AN and expectations from an individual’s network (Stryker, 2008). Welfare for refugees is limited (aid often ends 6 months after arrival in the U.S.; ORR, 2016), introducing a time pressure to M find a job. It is reasonable to believe that an economic need for work motivates job seekers to ED accept the first employment opportunity presented. However, results are mixed as to whether economic hardship predicts quicker employment (e.g., Arulampalam & Stewart, 1995; Kanfer et PT al., 2001; cf, Wanberg et al., 2002). Population differences may explain this discrepancy. For CE example, non-profit organizations that help with resettlement may unintentionally deter refugees from finding meaningful employment in order to find any employment (Nawyn, 2010a). This AC pressure encourages reliance on social ties for quick employment. Second, as previously discussed, a need for belonging applies additional pressure during resettlement. For example, research on this need (Baumeister & Leary, 1995) would suggest that refugees new to their host country will emphasize the creation of social support among ethnically similar others to secure safety in an uncertain environment (Correa-Velez, Gifford, & Barnett, 2010). Further, research shows that while individuals with social networks capable of informing ACCEPTED MANUSCRIPT CAREER ADAPTIVE REFUGEE 14 the job search process obtain quicker re-employment, it does not necessarily result in highquality employment (Mahuteau & Junankar, 2008; Sprengers, Tazelaar, & Flap, 1988). Thus, while a refugee’s social network will assist him or her in fulfilling a need for belonging, it importantly acts as a barrier to re-employment quality and higher paying jobs. T Finally, social expectations play a significant role in refugee employment outcomes. IP Strong norms espoused by members of a network influence a refugee’s occupational decisions. CR For example, in a study from the Netherlands where scholars evaluated differences in the job search process between native and minority candidates, the subjective norms of the group more US strongly predicted job-search intentions than individual job search attitudes for the ethnic AN minority group. On the other hand, job search attitude was a stronger predictor than subjective norms of the group for natives (van Hooft, Born, Taris, & van der Flier, 2004). These findings M demonstrate that behavioral expectations may be stronger in more socially vulnerable groups as a ED means to secure protection of that group. This is further evidenced in a qualitative study detailing the occupational assimilation of Vietnamese immigrants into the electronics industry in Santa PT Clara County, California. Finnan (1981) wrote: CE Once refugees arrive in Santa Clara County, their decision to become technicians or assemblers is reinforced. Almost every Vietnamese they meet is employed in some AC capacity in the electronics industry or is training for jobs in the industry . . . Most refugees merely laugh when asked if they have friends in the industry. They explain that all of their friends have jobs in the industry. These friends help them choose training programs and often help them find jobs. (p. 294) In summation, lower objective resettlement success occurs for three reasons: need for a job, need for belonging, and expectations from an individual’s network. For a career adaptive ACCEPTED MANUSCRIPT CAREER ADAPTIVE REFUGEE 15 refugee, prioritizing working with similar others over experience-commensurate work constrains the refugee to the level of employment of the network, often yielding employment of lower status than previous work, low pay, and fewer opportunities for host country language growth (see Figure 1). Thus, I propose: IP career adaptability and objective resettlement success. T Proposition 2. Social network generation and use will mediate the relationship between CR The utilization of social networks to obtain work, however, presents an interesting paradox for refugees. That is, while the work may be of lower status, perceptions of success may US be high. Prior research demonstrates that who individuals work with matters. For example, in AN their analysis of Mexican maquiladoras, Maertz, Stevens, and Campion (2003) found that social attachments within an organization were critical to continued employment, demonstrating the M importance of acquiring social support within work communities. Thus, a refugee who seeks a ED job through his or her social network is more likely to obtain work with similar others and experience the positive psychosocial benefits networks have to offer. Moreover, social PT comparison theory posits that humans compare themselves to those most proximal to them CE (Festinger, 1954). Therefore, a refugee living and working around similar individuals will perceive resettlement success such that he or she is self-sufficient, a legitimate contributor of AC society, and part of a community, yielding a return to a relative state of normalcy. Thus: Proposition 3. Social network generation and use will mediate the relationship between career adaptability and subjective resettlement success. Discrimination Threat. A crucial barrier to refugee employment is discrimination threat. As a highly politicized phenomenon, immigrants and refugees face marginalization for being seen as competitors to native job seekers (Binggeli, Dietz, & Krings, 2013) and for their accents ACCEPTED MANUSCRIPT CAREER ADAPTIVE REFUGEE 16 (Hosoda, Nguyen, & Stone-Romero, 2012; Livingston, Schilpzand, & Erez, 2017). For example, in a study comparing the job search of several ethnic groups in Australia, Booth, Leigh, and Varganova (2012) found that more established groups, such as Italians, had higher call-back rates than less established groups, such as the Chinese and Middle Easterners. This type of T discrimination restricts ethnic minorities from obtaining experience- or education-commensurate IP work and, instead, settling for jobs below their skill level. CR Few scholars have studied the relationship between career adaptability and discrimination, yet the limited research suggests marginalized individuals who have experienced US more economic constraint will be less equipped to engage in career adaptability, leading to worse AN vocational outcomes (Diemer & Rasheed Ali, 2009; Duffy, Blustein, Diemer, & Autin, 2016). However, this stream of research generally highlights discrimination of disadvantaged M populations from the host country who have experienced a lifetime of disenfranchisement. This ED is an important distinction because while, in general, growing up marginalized may lower the mean level of career adaptability in native minorities (Duffy et al., 2016), refugees likely do not PT arrive with a history of discrimination by individuals in their host country. Further, while native CE minorities generally experience less trust in institutions (Aronson, 2008), refugees will not experience the same distrust because host country institutions (i.e., the federal government) have AC recently worked in their favor. Therefore, they will not suffer the same reduction in career adaptability as native minorities. However, this does not mean they will not fear discrimination. Discrimination remains a pervasive social obstacle for any minority group in the E.U. and U.S., motivating refugees to remain close to their newly formed social group. Engaging in career adaptability will help a refugee in two ways. First, career adaptive individuals reframe obstacles in order to maintain effort toward their goals (Tolentino, Garcia, ACCEPTED MANUSCRIPT CAREER ADAPTIVE REFUGEE 17 Restubog, Bordia, & Tang, 2013). Second, they generate social support as a way to guard against adversity (Finch & Vega, 2003). Thus, rather than seeking a job that aligns with their skills, and risk vulnerability to discrimination in the job search process, career adaptive refugees will seek protection by generating strong ties and accepting jobs around similar others resulting in lower T objective, but higher subjective, resettlement success, as can be seen in Figure 1. IP Proposition 4. A refugee’s perception of discrimination threat will moderate the CR relationship between career adaptability and social network use such that a career adaptive refugee who perceives discrimination threat will generate and use strong ties US for employment information and obtain jobs with similar others, resulting in lower AN objective resettlement success and higher subjective resettlement success. Demographic Barriers. In addition to the barriers posed by threats of discrimination, an M individual’s demographic characteristics simultaneously constrain and guide certain behaviors ED (see Figure 1). For example, many immigrants face pressure to enter certain jobs due to their gender (Mahler & Pessar, 2006), such as Latina women seeking housekeeping positions in the PT U.S. (Lutz, 2017). Further, host country language fluency imposes limitations. As such, CE demographic characteristics importantly influence refugee resettlement. Language proficiency. Perhaps one of the most salient barriers to employment for AC refugees is proficiency in their host country’s language. While language ability is not always required for employment, research suggests it is crucial in alleviating refugees from lower-level labor where there are no opportunities for promotions and they are not able to apply their human capital (Hebbani & Colic-Peisker, 2012; cf., Correa-Velez, Barnett, & Gifford, 2013). For example, in a recent study of immigrants who migrated to Canada, Warman, Sweetman, and ACCEPTED MANUSCRIPT CAREER ADAPTIVE REFUGEE 18 Goldmann (2015) found that only immigrants with strong English ability acquired positions with earnings commensurate with their home country schooling. According to career construction theory, refugees proficient in their host country’s language will be motivated to seek employment where they can utilize this skill. As has been T proposed, one important way refugees attain work is through their networks. However, a career IP adaptive refugee who is proficient in the host country’s language will be more likely to reach out CR to weak ties—or those considered “acquaintances” that harbor non-redundant information related to employment (Granovetter, 1973)—because he or she will have the ability to create those US connections (Rudolph et al., 2017; Ryan, Sales, Tilki, & Siara, 2008). Doing so will have AN significant consequences on the job type and status relative to previous employment, pay, and the opportunity to use and develop host country language ability. Thus, I posit (see Figure 1): M Proposition 5. A refugee’s host country language ability upon arrival will moderate the ED relationship between career adaptability and social network use such that a career adaptive refugee who is more proficient in the host country language will be more likely PT to generate and use weak ties for job information, resulting in higher objective CE resettlement success than a refugee who is less proficient in the host country language. Gender. Research on traditional gender roles demonstrates that the gendering of jobs may AC be more severe in the refugee subpopulation. According to social role theory, individuals seek and attain occupations with characteristics that align with the expected behaviors of their gender (Eagly, 1997). Rooted in research on the division of labor, social role theorists explain that there are generally agreed upon attributes of women and men that incite work-related norms. Thus, there is pressure for individuals to conform to the types of activities congruent with these norms ACCEPTED MANUSCRIPT CAREER ADAPTIVE REFUGEE 19 (Eagly & Karau, 2002). The pervasiveness of these gendered expectations are global and are more salient in traditional cultures (Eagly, Wood, & Diekman, 2000). One assumption of career construction theory is that an individual’s work is a strong indication of one’s self-concept (Savickas, 2005). As such, personal preference of how a job T reflects the individual importantly drives career decisions. However, just as a refugee constrained IP by job-related information and opportunities within his or her network is able to accept CR employment outcomes incongruent with his or her self-concept, so too does a refugee sacrifice reflection of his or her self-concept at work by accepting a job that likely aligns more with US attributions about their gender than ability. A refugee will adapt by acquiescing to external AN pressure rather than seeking work commensurate with their ability (Nawyn, 2010a). Research shows that employment for refugee women is strongly driven by their social M networks and the expectations within those networks (Nawyn, 2010b). For example, in a study of ED ex-Yugoslavs, Africans, and Middle Easterners, Colic-Peisker and Tilbury (2003) found that exYugoslav women overwhelmingly occupied industrial and domestic cleaning roles as this type of PT labor was “regarded as an inappropriate job for a man” (p. 214). Research additionally suggests CE that women refugees are able to find work more quickly given that jobs closely aligned with female social roles, such as housekeeping, are abundant and require little skill (Freedman, 2015). AC Men, on the other hand, are more likely to find work in manual labor such as factory work, construction, and farming (Correa-Velez et al., 2013). Thus, seeking quick employment can result in attaining gendered jobs. Social programs exacerbate this phenomenon. For example, in a qualitative study Nawyn (2010a) found that an institute in Los Angeles offered expedited childcare training, which provided refugees certification to work in child care and an accelerated avenue to a job while ACCEPTED MANUSCRIPT CAREER ADAPTIVE REFUGEE 20 simultaneously guiding women job seekers into a traditionally female occupation. Nawyn found a similar program for manicurists. While these types of jobs may not align with the refugee’s self-concept, a need for self-sufficiency and belonging supersedes a desire to work in occupations that necessarily align with his or her KSAOs, leading instead to employment in jobs T that align with his or her social role. Thus, I propose (see Figure 1): IP Proposition 6. A refugee’s gender will moderate the relationship between social network CR use and objective resettlement success such that women who rely on their network will be more likely to accept jobs in cleaning, child care, and elderly care, while men who rely US on their network will accept more physically demand labor. AN Education and experience. A classic anecdote told of refugee migration is one where the refugee has earned prestige in their home country, but occupies low-skilled labor in their host M country (e.g., a doctor turned taxicab driver). Those refugees who are educated or worked in ED high-level positions at home and seek to do the same in their host country may be required to earn recertification or licensure because their home country certifications are likely not PT recognized. Supplementary schooling may be an impractical expense for refugees since they CE must find a way to support themselves and their family members (Bloch, 2004). Refugees with specific qualifications, such as lawyers, have found recertification or the transference of skills AC into their host country’s system to be a seemingly insurmountable obstacle, requiring them to adapt to lower-level jobs (Yakushko et al., 2008; Zikic, Bonache, & Cerdin, 2010; Zikic & Richardson, 2016). Researchers of this phenomenon call it “deskilling,” which explains why doctors who take jobs in the service industry tend to lose their abilities over time making eventual recertification unrealistic (Stewart, 2003). An analysis of New Immigrant Survey Pilot data ACCEPTED MANUSCRIPT CAREER ADAPTIVE REFUGEE 21 showed that refugee status was a stronger predictor of downward mobility in employment between their last job abroad and their job one year after arrival in the U.S. than factors such as English language ability and network characteristics (Akresh, 2006). Further, a recent study on male refugee employment in Australia showed that recognition of refugees’ skills acquired in T their home country did not guarantee a job, but potentially worked against them due to the IP difficulty of translating higher-level skills to lower-level labor (Correa-Velez et al., 2013). CR Despite this, education may still benefit a career adaptive refugee. It is through schooling that individuals learn an association between their behaviors and outcomes, which can yield US higher levels of self-efficacy and perceptions of self-control (Lachman & Weaver, 1998). When AN refugees with more experience and education are placed within a new labor market, they find themselves with little control over their outcomes and with experience or certification that fails M to translate. This inability to implement their self-concept can be discouraging (Colic-Peisker, ED 2005), yet educated and experienced refugees who modify their expectations by engaging with their social network to find employment will be more likely to accept the reality lower objective PT resettlement success, as can be seen in Figure 1. Thus, I propose: CE Proposition 7. A refugee’s education and experience will moderate the relationship between social network use and objective resettlement success such that a more educated AC and experienced refugee who relies on his or her social network for job information will experience greater downward occupational mobility than a less educated and experienced refugee who relies on his or her social network. Discussion While career construction theory has strongly supported the relationship between career adaptability and objective markers of success—such as increased employability, promotability, ACCEPTED MANUSCRIPT CAREER ADAPTIVE REFUGEE 22 and wages (e.g., Johnston, 2016)—there are important barriers to these outcomes specific to nonnative job seekers, or refugees. Further, while decades of research have illuminated the jobsearch process, existing frameworks fail to generalize to this subpopulation due to underlying assumptions regarding a job seeker’s familiarity with the labor market. The model proposed T herein specifically focuses on the constraints these individuals face in finding employment and, IP ultimately, resettlement success. I argue that the generation of new social networks is a means CR for adaptation to post-migration life such that career adaptive refugees recognize networks as opportunities for social safety and access to employment information. However, dependence on US one’s network results in low objective resettlement success, or downward occupational mobility, AN low pay, and fewer opportunities for host country language ability development. Paradoxically, reliance on one’s network simultaneously enhances subjective resettlement success such that M working with similar others yields perceptions of belonging resulting in greater physical and ED mental health, stronger social ties, and greater life satisfaction. As such, the framework contributes to literature on career construction and the job search in three ways. PT First, I extend career construction theory by challenging its underlying notion that CE qualifications, an effortful job search, and career adaptability will lead to high-quality employment that aligns with a job seeker’s self-concept (Savickas, 2005). I propose structural AC and personal factors play important roles in resettlement outcomes. Specifically, I argue that in the case of refugees, networks, discrimination threat, language ability, gender, and education and experience act as significant barriers to high-quality employment. I illustrate that while individuals are the creators of their own careers, structural factors persist in guiding and limiting certain career-related decisions, which have consequences for refugee resettlement success. ACCEPTED MANUSCRIPT CAREER ADAPTIVE REFUGEE 23 Second, I examine career adaptability as a vital characteristic for refugee resettlement success. I demonstrate how the challenge of migration activates career adaptability, yet ultimately results in lower objective resettlement success. While scholars have generally found that career adaptive job seekers attain higher-quality jobs (Johnston, 2016; Rudolph et al., 2017), T I propose refugees are constrained from obtaining these outcomes and focus more on that which IP is within their control: building social support and finding any job even if it is not commensurate CR with their experience or qualifications. By prioritizing social network construction, refugees will refine their employment expectations by way of group norms (e.g., “All of my friends work at a US technology factory, so I should work at a technology factory”), but achieve greater mental and AN physical health, stronger social ties, and increased life satisfaction. Therefore, I highlight the utility of career adaptability for those in vulnerable populations. M Finally, I respond to calls from job search theorists for a stronger explication of social ED networks and adaptational responses to unemployment (Wanberg, 2012; Wanberg et al., 2012). This allows for consideration of nuances of the refugee population, such as gender and host PT country language ability, and isolation of important factors in the job search process to more CE clearly understand their role. By integrating social network theory and identifying factors that are often taken for granted in the job search literature (e.g., language ability, desire to work around AC similar others), I strengthen the explanatory power of the job search domain. Future Research: Testing the Current Framework and Methodological Considerations In order to expand the refugee job search framework, the current model should first be tested. The propositions developed in this paper are built on an integration of theories that illustrate factors important to refugee resettlement success. There are three approaches to testing the current framework. First, current theories explaining the job search process were created ACCEPTED MANUSCRIPT CAREER ADAPTIVE REFUGEE 24 under the assumption of Western ideologies and may not include all of the factors that are important to refugees. Examining this subpopulation requires an inductive methodology in order to reveal how individual and cultural characteristics impact the acceptance of jobs that do not align with one’s ability (Edmonson & McManus, 2007). This methodology may interestingly T expose how migration acts as a trigger for career adaptability conceptualized in a more trait-like IP manner. Using trait activation theory in conjunction with career construction theory, researchers CR could explore the career adaptability activation process. I further recommend conducting interviews to investigate the rationalizations or ideologies career adaptive refugees espouse to US adjust to cultural discrepancies to illustrate how refugees accept varying levels of subjective and AN objective resettlement success. A second way to test the propositions in this framework is by analyzing resettlement M through network theory. Social network analysis would allow for a direct test of whether ED refugees benefit most from strong ties, and it would afford an opportunity to examine the creation of a brand new social network. Moreover, resettlement is a naturally temporal PT phenomenon, thus a longitudinal network approach would allow researchers to tease apart time- CE related aspects and examine change in network characteristics since arrival. By conducting a network analysis, supplemented with traditional measures of attitudinal outcomes, researchers AC could measure how the strength of these new relationships develop, how the content of the relationships change, and how these ultimately influence a refugee’s occupational choice. A final approach to testing these propositions is using experience sampling method or diary studies. Similar to network analysis, this method would allow for researchers to capture changes over time and such an intra-individual approach would provide a more detailed examination of employment’s role in resettlement success. Further, this method could reveal the ACCEPTED MANUSCRIPT CAREER ADAPTIVE REFUGEE 25 tradeoffs and logic underlying compromises as refugees choose certain jobs over others or choose lower-level jobs rather than spending more time searching for work commensurate with their skill. This method may additionally lend itself to a better understanding of career adaptability as a self-regulatory mechanism. T The current framework operates under the assumption that the needs for belonging and IP employment exist for a refugee of any background. This is not to say, however, that there is strict CR homogeneity across refugee groups. There are important differences that impact the strength of the relationships proposed in the current framework. Attached to each refugee’s culture are US distinct social expectations that may align or collide with those of the host country. It will be AN important that in any testing of the proposed framework that researchers gather information related to the refugees’ home culture, in addition to the regionally specific cultural norms of their M resettlement location. ED It may also be useful for future research to explore the propositions in this framework using publically available datasets. While datasets from organizations such as EuroBarometer, PT Inter-university Consortium for Political and Social Research (ICSPR), and Pew Research Center CE do not directly measure constructs such as career adaptability, they may have information regarding social network use. Further, while potentially not capable of directly testing the current AC framework, these datasets likely provide preliminary insight into the refugee resettlement process and the attitudes about refugees held by natives in the host countries. In order to test the propositions in the current framework, there are three important methodological considerations scholars should note. First, refugees can be difficult to access. Perhaps one of the most effective ways to identify a sample is to partner with a non-profit organization specifically aimed at assisting refugees with resettlement, such as those that provide ACCEPTED MANUSCRIPT CAREER ADAPTIVE REFUGEE 26 language classes, employment services, and housing assistance. It is likely that refugees will have concerns about sharing personal information, but having endorsement from a non-profit organization should quell participant apprehension and strengthen the response rate. For example, in a partnership with an organization that teaches host country language T classes, a researcher could assign a diary study where refugees are asked to reflect on their week. IP Not only does this provide an opportunity for refugees to practice their host country’s language, CR but this would additionally allow researchers access to information on the job search and the ability to examine how host country language skill growth over time relates to resettlement US experiences. Findings could enhance the non-profit’s resettlement system to more effectively AN meet refugee needs and help build the skills necessary for a refugee to succeed. Another sampling technique supported by scholarship is snowball sampling. Snowball sampling can be M particularly useful when studying difficult-to-reach populations (e.g., stigmatized or narrowly ED defined groups; Faugier & Sargeant, 1997; Sadler, Lee, Lim, & Fullerton, 2011), and has been used to study refugees in the past (e.g., Steel et al., 2005). PT A second methodological consideration is trauma. Questions regarding why refugees left CE home may recall traumatic experiences. Of course, the goal of research is not to re-traumatize participants, yet the nature of some topics requires participants to recall information about AC potentially sensitive events (e.g., torture, abuse). While this is not a highly researched area, some scholars suggest that participating in research about trauma can be cathartic (Griffin, Resick, Waldrop, & Mechanic, 2003). Conversely, other researchers suggest Western approaches to problems may not be understood by individuals of different cultural backgrounds (Colic-Peisker & Tilbury, 2003). In order to reduce the likelihood of re-traumatizing or offending participants, researchers interested in studying refugee resettlement should consult research on trauma for ACCEPTED MANUSCRIPT CAREER ADAPTIVE REFUGEE 27 effective methods (see Brounéus, 2011, for an overview of in-depth interviewing and trauma) and speak with non-profit workers who regularly interact with refugees. The final methodological barrier is perhaps the most salient one. Participants may not be fluent in the host country’s (or the researcher’s) language. For qualitative studies, it is paramount T to use translators from the same region as the participants to match dialectical nuances. Further, IP real-time translations, rather than having a translator conduct the interview and provide a CR translated transcript, allows for the researcher to guide the interview and request clarifications as necessary (Esposito, 2001). For quantitative studies, I recommend following Brislin’s (1970) AN ascertain a reliable interpretation of responses. US approach to have items systematically forward and back translated by independent raters to Practical Implications of a Career Adaptive Refugee Resettlement Framework M The proposed model identifies environmental elements that operate in the refugee job- ED search process, which highlights actionable implications for the federal government, non-profits missioned to help this population, and organizations who hire or may hire refugees. First, a more PT in-depth understanding of refugee resettlement could help inform federal government actions. By CE viewing the refugee population as less of a threat to current labor systems, but one that offers a net gain of human capital, the encouragement of the federal government for communities and AC organizations to help with refugee re-employment could positively contribute to subjective and objective resettlement success. Second, understanding that refugees are not a homogeneous group, but a collection of individuals with varying degrees of skills, experience, and career adaptability affords counselors and social workers the opportunity to conduct more individualized counseling (Zacher, 2014). In so doing, these practitioners can tailor their assistance to help grow a refugee’s career ACCEPTED MANUSCRIPT CAREER ADAPTIVE REFUGEE 28 adaptability and help them manage employment expectations. For example, I recommend vocational counselors have clients create a “Life CV.” According to Schultheiss, Watts, Sterland, and O’Neill (2011), this intervention allows for individuals to reflect on life experiences to bolster the concept of a “traditional CV,” which generally only accounts for work-related T experiences. This approach encourages participants to act as their own storytellers to recognize IP and create meaning from important life events. The “Life CV” also provides an opportunity for CR counselors to understand the refugee’s human capital and can strengthen their ability as a broker between a refugee and potential employers by leveraging how a refugee’s experiences prior to US migration are compatible with the needs of the organization. Vocational counselors can consider AN these factors when helping refugees to seek employment that utilizes their skills and encourage them not to satisfice, or settle for a job where they will be underemployed. M Finally, the current framework could help employers more accurately conceptualize the ED arduous resettlement process and better match refugee employees to jobs that utilize their skills. Managers should also recognize the refugee’s unique cross-cultural perspective for the benefit of PT the firm as prior experiences may provide opportunities for creativity and enhancement of CE current systems. One method by which organizations can improve the work lives of their refugee employees is by implementing a peer-mentoring system whereby workers are paired with others AC similar to them in experience and status, and perhaps language and background, to promote social support at work and opportunities to gain additional skills. This has been shown to be an effective intervention yielding greater mental health (Busch, Koch, Clasen, Winkler, & Vowinkel, 2017). Additionally, managers should recognize that employing refugees provides access to the refugees’ networks. In doing so, human resources departments and non-profit organizations that serve refugees can work together to implement organizational systems best ACCEPTED MANUSCRIPT CAREER ADAPTIVE REFUGEE 29 suited for refugee employment. It would further benefit organizations to invite psychologists who specialize in trauma to speak with managers on how to supervise refugee employees in a culturally appropriate way. Ultimately, organizations should note that while refugees will likely accept jobs around T others similar to them, their skill set may not match the job, allowing organizations the chance to IP offer opportunities once the refugee is in the organization. This is important because while CR research generally illustrates that intergenerational mobility is common (Feliciano & Lanuza, 2017), establishing oneself shortly after migration is crucial given the time constraint on US government assistance and potential need to support family back home. It is critical for AC CE PT ED M and the productivity of future generations. AN organizations to understand the influence they can have on a refugee’s adaptation, self-reliance, ACCEPTED MANUSCRIPT CAREER ADAPTIVE REFUGEE 30 References Akresh, I. R. (2006). Occupational Mobility Among Legal Immigrants to the United States1. International Migration Review, 40(4), 854 – 884. Aronson, P. (2008). Breaking barriers or locked out? 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Career adaptability predicts subjective career success above and beyond ED personality traits and core self-evaluations. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 84, 21 – 30. Zikic, J., & Richardson, J. (2016). What happens when you can’t be who you are: Professional PT identity at the institutional periphery. Human Relations, 69(1), 139 – 168. CE Zikic, J., Bonache, J., & Cerdin, J.-L. (2010). Crossing national boundaries: A typology of qualified immigrants’ career orientations. Journal of Organizational Behavior, 31, 667 - AC 686. ACCEPTED MANUSCRIPT 41 AN US CR IP T CAREER ADAPTIVE REFUGEE AC CE PT ED M Figure 1. Model of the Role of Career Adaptability to Refugee Resettlement Success. This model illustrates the relationship between career adaptability and objective and subjective resettlement success, and how structural and personal factors act as barriers to objective success. ACCEPTED MANUSCRIPT CAREER ADAPTIVE REFUGEE 42 Highlights CE PT ED M AN US CR IP T Refugees face structural barriers to employment in their host country. Refugees are more likely to seek positions around similar others. Refugees are more likely to work in lower status and lower paying jobs. Career adaptability helps refugees self-regulate employment expectations. Career adaptability indirectly predicts perceptions of refugee resettlement. AC
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