THE PUBLIC CAREER OF LORD READING A Thesis Presented to the Faculty of the Department of History University of Southern California In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Master of Arts by Allan Summers February 1940 UMI Number: EP59470 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation PWWIs&ing UMI EP59470 Published by ProQuest LLC (2014). Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code ProQuest LLC. 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106- 1346 /4 T h i s thesis , w r i t t e n hy ,3 ^ ALLAN SUMMERS u n d e r the d i r e c t io n o f h - . l s F a c u l t y C o m m i t t e e , 1 a n d a p p r o v e d h y a l l it s m e m b e r s , has been presented to a nd accepted by the C o u n c i l on G r a d u a t e S t u d y a n d Research in p a r t i a l f u l f i l l m ent o f the re q u ire m e n ts f o r the degree o f MASTER OF ARTS Dean Secretary Z)^....FEBRUARY.,....19-40- Faculty Committee 'hairma\ \ : 1 ( PREFACE The purpose of this work is to show how a man with great ability, regardless of his status at birth, can reach the highest position in the British Government. Also, once he has proven himself capable of solving complicated prob lems, the government is prompt to utilize his abilities to master the most difficult tasks. Lord Reading attained the pinnacle of success, beginning his career as a member of Parliament and working his way up the ladder until he ac quired the vice-royalty of India. In gathering data for this study no difficulties were encountered. The few published works consulted were of the greatest importance, for they handled in a thoroughly comprehensive and accurate manner the special subjects of which they treat. Of great importance has been the material derived from primary sources, and it is upon such data that most emphasis has been placed. Among these sources may be cited: British Information Pamphlets, Committee Reports, and the London Times. > ’ 'I wish to express my obligations to those who have, aided me in the preparation of this work. indebted to Dr. Gilbert G. Benjamin. study was begun. I feel especially Under his direction my Besides Dr. Benjamin, I wish to thank Dr. Carlton C. Rodee and Dr. Walter T. Wallbank for reading and eritizing the thesis. Nor can I fail to mention the many courtesies shown me at the Edward Doheny Jr. Memorial Library where the material related to my subject was placed at my disposal. University of Southern California February, 1940 Allan Summers TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER PAGE I . STEPPING STONES TO SUCCESS .............. Educational background II. III. IV. ... ... 1 Lust for adventure....................... 2 Man of affairs........................... 3 LORD CHIEF JUSTICE . . ............. 14 His a p p o i n t m e n t ......................... 14 Services during tbe w a r .................. 15 ENVOY AND AMBASSADOR TO THE UNITED STATES . . 19 Object of his m i s s i o n .................... 20 Activities in America 23 ........... VICEROY OF INDIA . . Background . . . ,. Native discontent 45 .............. Accepting responsibilities ............ 45 .. .......... National Congress' . . . . . . . . . . . •V. 1 48 50 . . 55 Coping with the problems........... 57 Field of finance . . . 64 ......... Welfare w o r k ............................. 66 Last y e a r s ............ ................... 68 SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS. . . .............. 69 BIBLIOGRAPHY..................................... 73 CHAPTER I - STEPPING STONES TO SUCCESS . Rufus Daniel Isaacs was born in London on October 10 1860. He was the second son of "'Mr. Joseph Michael Isaacs, a fruit importer, who carried on an old established busi ness with his brother, Sir Henry Isaacs, Lord Mayor of London, 1889-1890.-*At an early age Rufus was sent to a Jewish prepara tory school where he did not respond effectively in numbers He had, however, great vitality and inexhaustible taste- for mischief. These combined traits soon led to his expulsion from the school. He was then sent to school in Brussels. Here a wel come improvement was early indicated by his winning of the prix de memo ire in his first term.2 This was the first in stance wherein he showed his astonishing power of memory, a faculty which was to be among his chief assets at the bar. Rufus received his secondary education in England. At the age of thirteen, in 1873, he entered the University College School in London. His career in this school was short and, scholastically speaking, undistinguished. He -*- The London Times, December 31, 1935. 2 Walker-Smith, Lord Reading and His Cases, p. 11. was soon withdrawn from University College School to pursue his studies at Hanover where, besides learning the foreign languages, he made himself familiar with the methods of foreign merchants. School life, however, was not to his liking, and for a time he went to sea, serving as a ship’s boy on a tramp steamer. He became a ship’s boy because he was from boyhood of an adventurous spirit, and not because of economic pres sure.3 His ship was bound for South America where it found a cargo awaiting transport to India. This adventure over, he went for a short time to Magdeburg to look after the interest of the family business in Germany, but his zest for adventure was still strong. He therefore joined the Stock Exchange which seemed to him a more exciting proposition than business. At the Stock Exchange he was very industrious, for he was beginning to feel the urge of ambition. However, in 1884 misfortune overtook the firm with which he was associated, and he found himself unable-to meet his obligations. of course, meant disaster. This, This experience, nevertheless, t _ was not entirely futile, for the knowledge that-he had gained of the workings of that vast financial machine was to be invaluable to him and to his country many years later. 3 Ibid*, p. 10. 3 He now decided to go to America, the land of oppor tunity, and start life anew. Because of the pleas of his mother who urged him not to cut himself off from the family, his country, and friends, Rufus agreed to remain in England on condition that his parents provide him with the means to study law. His mother was convinced that if his desire was to go to the Bar, that was the proper field for his talents; and she promised him that his parents would assist him to that end. At this point he met Miss Alice Cohen, the daughter of an American merchant who had moved to London. She insisted that he was fitted for the law profession and should study for it. She succeeded in stimulating his ambition.4 In 1887 he passed the Bar, and in the same year he married Miss Cohen. In starting his career at the Bar, Rufus Isaacs made a rule to go to bed every night at nine, so that he might get up at,, four,. When he retired at this hour, he had. his , briefs for the next day with him, 'but he knew nothing of what was in them. After his seven hours of sleep he rose at four, winter and summer, dressed, shaved, and sat down to master the papers.^ At eight he had breakfasted, and a 4 The Outlook. 127:664, April 27, 1921. ® C. J. C. Street, Lord Reading, p. 20. little after nine he was.in his office, ready for consulta tion with his clerk as to the immediate future program. He would then march off with the facts and details of the morn ing1s. cases so clear in his head that he never looked at the papers in the court. At the age of twenty-seven, Rufus Isaacs already had made numerous friends. His odd training had given him an experience of men and things which few of his contemporaries enjoyed. Moreover, he had good looks, high spirits, and an easy and attractive manner. His style of speaking was forensic, lucid, and persuasive. He was very skillful in picking out the features in a case which were significant and driving them home with great power of argument.® These characteristics greatly contributed to his success. Rufus. Isaacs had early settled in his mind that com mercial cases were the proper sphere for him. attached himself to a commerical court. He therefore Work came to him at once, and within two or three years he had acquired a substantial practice in Stock Exchange cases..? He had a good working knowledge of legal principles, and his quick ness enabled him to cope at short notice with complicated problems. 6 Walker-Smith, pp. pit., p. 3. 7 London Times, loc. pit. The first ease which brought him prominently into the public eye was the prosecution of the financier, Whitaker Wright, in 1904, when having to thread his way through a story of baffling complications, his memory for facts and figures astonished everybody. The years following saw a steady advance; from now he was engaged in case after case of increasing importance. jurists, and clients. phere seemed to change. He was sedative to judges, When he came into court, the atmos Irritations were appeased and black looks vanished. At the age of thirty-seven, Kufus Isaacs became Queen's Counsel. He took the silk partly as a rest cure. He had established such a leadership as a junior in the Commercial Court that he simply could not cope with the number of his cases.8 Everybody wanted to employ him. In a measure he hoped that when he did take the silk he would have more time to himself. In England accepting the office of.Queen’s Councel is often considered as a backward and not a forward stop, for it is usually a cause of losing.business. Yet Isaacs was perhaps the only outstanding junior at the Bar whose in come did not drop a cent from the day he became a Queen’s Counsel. His income was around $150,000 a year and often 8 Street, op. c i t ., p. 25 more*9 Isaacs was chiefly a' conciliator; he would advise a settlement where another man might have said, "Fight*” His attitude appealed to commercial men who-came to the Commer cial Court expecting intelligent comprehension and practi cal solutions to their problems. Isaacs was one of a very few specialists in the law profession to make a great social success. Society found that the famous lawyer was a delightful person, simple and always ready to joke, particularly about himself. In 1904 Rufus Isaacs had won a seat in Parliament at the by-election in Reading. He took not only his Parlia mentary duties seriously, but also his duties to his consti tuency. Although Isaacs was successful in entering Parlia ment in 1904, it was not until 1906, when the Liberal Party came into power, that his talents found opportunity for full expression. The Liberal Party stood for free trade, social reforms, and to the Irish they were prepared to give, if not complete rule, at*least preliminaries to it. During the regular election in 1906, Isaacs sought to retain his seat in Parlia ment. He ran on the Liberal ticket and actively participated in the campaign advocating the Liberal policies. 9 itid.> P* 39. In his election address of January, 1906, issued to the electors of Reading, he declared that in foreign affairs he would abstain from any aggressive or adventurous policy. He believed that any measure of protection would have the effect of' making the rich richer and the poor poorer.10 The army should be brought to a thorough state of efficiency and the volunteer forces should be fostered. The Irish should be given gradual control of such domestic affairs as concerned them alone. He was in favor of amending the exist ing acts relative to education, licensing, and trade unions, and was willing to support any sound schemes for providing work for the unemployed. He was in favor of reforms in matters of housing, the conduct of elections, the registra tion of voters, and the taxation of land values. He often spoke in Parliament and managed to gain the attention of his colleagues, but he was never successful in impressing Parliament as he did the court.H Yet beneath the surface, among the high officials of government, the value of his opinion and of his Judgment.^was fully known, and appreciated.!^ In the legal sphere particular reforms were intro duced which he had advocated. He strongly urged the es- 10 iM.a., p. 63. 11 London Times, loc. cit. Street, o£. cut., p. 65. tablishment of a Court of Criminal Appeal. To his efforts are due the succession of rulings which.established the principle that the court should act as a true court of re vision, and not merely as a confirming authority, in his view the court should be competent to upset verdicts and reduce sentences. Many reforms proposed by the Liberals were defeated by the House of Lords. Many Liberals, among them Rufus Isaacs, felt that so long as the House of Lords retains its existing powers, no Liberal measure would have a chance to become a-law. In 1909 Mr. Lloyd George, then Chancellor of the Exchequer, introduced a revolutionary proposal. Estate, legacy, and succession duties were all enormously increased, and a highly elaborate system of taxation of land values was introduced. These measures were intended against the members of the House of Lords, who were mostly land owners. The budget proposed was, therefore, a direct challenge to the Conservative Party and to the House of Lords. ____ In the election of 1910, the issue before the country was not so much the passing of the budget itself as to clip the wings of the House of Lords. On January 1, 1910, Lloyd George himself addressed a crowded meeting called at Read ing and urged the electors of Reading to reelect Rufus Isaacs to Parliament.13 13 Ibid., p. 77. Isaacs was a firm believer in the official Liberal policy, especially as regards to the abolition of the Lords* veto. In this campaign, however, he confined himself to the question of tariff reform versus free trade. He was reelected with little opposition. After this election the Parliament Bill, 1910, was introduced in the Parliament. It provided: (1) that the House of Lords be disabled by law from rejecting or amend ing a money bill; (£) that any other bill that passed three times the House of Commons becomes a law without the consent of the House of Lords; (3) that duration of Parliament was limited to five years. Isaacs supported strongly the Liberals in this bill. He' maintained the Lords* right of veto must be abolished as regards all matters of finance, and within certain limits regarding other legislation. On March 7, 1910, an official announcement was made that the King had been pleased to confer the honor of Knight hood upon Rufus Isaacs, K.C., M.P. , Solicitor-General. In October of-the same year Sir Rufus had exchanged the office of Solicitor-General for that of Attorney-General, and he was now the principal Law Officer of the Court. Even as Attorney-General he continued fighting for free trade and for the policies of his party. On October 6 he addressed the electors of the city of London, the stronghold of con servatism, expounding to them Liberal doctrines. This was 10 considered a very bold endeavour on his part.^Here he pointed out that London stood in an entirely different posi tion from most of the great cities of the world. He showed how London depended upon her credit machinery and her enormous shipping trade which she possessed as the greatest port in the world. He explained how her credit system in itself was a national asset, and her shipping trade gave her employment, directly and indirectly, to a large section of the community; and that tariff reform meant the restric tion of imports, which in turn would mean a decrease of shipping and of credit facilities. The Parliament Act was finally passed in July, 1911, by the House of Lords only after King George V threatened to create enough peers to override the Lords* veto. This Parliament Act was the dominating issue of the years from 1910 until Rufus Isaacs* Parliamentary career closed with his elevation to the post of Lord' Chief Justice in 1913. The crisis of this issue reached its most acute stage in June, 1911. The Liberal government at this time was engaged in legislation which affected the very foundations of the constitution. It required the skill of the best brains at their disposal to direct their policy from day to day, and in this arduous duty the Attorney-General played a promin- 14 London Times, October 6 , 1910* 11 ent part. Mr. Asquith, the Prime Minister, feeling the need for the most able advice at. his disposal, assigned to Rufus Isaacs, the Attorney-G-eneral, a seat in the Cabinet. This was the first time in the history of .England that such an honor had been conferred Upon a Law Officer of the Crown. Luring his Parliamentary career, he had fought two general elections with unfailing skill, yet without stoop ing to the vulgar abuse employed by his colleagues in wag ing their campaign against the House of Lords. He had re fused to be carried away by the excitement of the moment, and his appeal for election had been based upon the princi ples of pure Liberalism. He was careful not to identify the . policies of the Liberals with that of Labor, as many of his colleagues did. Liberalism was to him a definite political creed, separate and apart from those professed by all other parties, and as such it was worth upholding for its own sake. The struggle over the Parliament Act had created a state of intense bitterness and tension. During the whole of the period from 1910 onward, vague reports had been cur rent which tended to throw discredit upon the Liberal Ministers. In the midst of this over-heated political at mosphere an event occurred which was eagerly seized upon Street, op. cit., p. 92. 12 by the opponents, who had been watching for an opportunity of attacking the Liberals, and which at one time threatened to bring eternal discredit upon more than one innocent individual. Commendatore Marconi and Mr. Godfrey Isaacs happen ing to be in New York upon some legal business connected with the American Marconi Company, the occasion was taken advantage of to give a banquet in their honor. On the day of the banquet Sir Rufus had sent a wireless message in which the following words occurred: ftPlease congratulate Signer Marconi and my brother on the successful development of a marvelous enterprise. I wish them all success in New York."16 This telegram was used as a means to deride the Attorney-General. Major Archer-Shee, Conservative leader, contended that it was a great mistake and most injudicious proceeding on the part of a Cabinet member to send such a message for the purpose of booming the American Marconi Company. Another accusation brought against Sir Rufus was at the time when the agreement between the government and the British Marconi Company, of which Mr. Godfrey Isaacs was chairman, providing for the establishment of a number of 16 Street, . cit., ojd p. 99. 13 wireless stations in various parts of- the Empire, was only awaiting the approval of the House of'Commons. Sir Rufus : Isaacs subscribed for a considerable block of shares in a new, issue of the American Marconi Company, and part of the shares were passed on to Mr. Lloyd George. The British and Ameri can companies were entirely independent organizations, but rumors spread that members of the government had been taking advantage of their official knowledge for their private profit. A select committee was appointed to,inquire into the facts, and those concerned were acquitted of a charge of .17 grave impropriety by a majority of eight to six/' In con nection with this acquittal Lord Birkenhead said that "Every one who knew Rufus Isaacs personally or politically, knew that he was one of those men who are absolutely incapable of doing any act which they believed to be wrong.”-1-8 London Times, December 31, 1935. Loc. cit. CHAPTER II LORD CHIEF JUSTICE Upon the death of Lord Alverstone in 1913, the Earl of Reading succeeded him as Lord Chief Justice* He was appointed to this high office in recognition of his legal abilities rather than as the reward of a Cabinet Minister.1 In January, 1914, he was created a baron and took the title of Lord Reading*2 MAs Lord Chief Justice he was conspicuous for his dignity and gentle courtesy; his freedom from fads or pre judice, and his willingness to spare no pains in arriving at the truth."3 His judgments, whether delivered, orally or put in writing, were always carefully organized and well expressed. As one observer remarked: His conduct of the"court where for a time being he was presiding was always admirable and was marked by dignity and quietness. Accoustomed to dominate the court while at the Bar, he was strong enough to domin ate it as a judge, without any apparent assertion or exercise of his authority. Kindly compassion, a stern sense of justice, and a dignified administration of the' law were the hallmarks of his judicial career.4 ^ T*10 Mancher Guardian, January 3, 1936. S London Times, December 31, 1935. Street, o£. cit*, p. 143. ^ London Times, loc. cit. 15 But he had been little more than half a year upon the Bench when the war broke out. The London Times stated: The magnitude of the service which he rendered to the nation then is not generally understood and is seldom spoken of , but'those who knew him well in later life know that there was no episode in his career on which he looked back with greater satisfaction.5 During the short time which he was enabled to devote to the duties of Lord Chief Justice he exhibited all the high dualities which tradition and experience has led the world to expect in a British judge. At the outbreak of the World War, men of all posi tions and all shades of political opinion placed their ser vices at the disposal of their country. At such a crisis it was inevitable that the government should turn once more to the man by whose wisdom they had often profited. Throughout Lord Reading’s legal career he had been associated with the leading financial.and commercial cases. The financing of the great war was. perhaps the most urgent problem which the government was called upon to solve. The' shaping of the financial policy which saved Great Britain from economic catastrophe a trthe beginning of the war was due more to Lord Reading than to any other man.6 During the early weeks of the war, Great Britain was 6 London Times, loc. cit. 6 Loc. cit. 16 faced with two important problems, the reorganization of the system of credit, and the financing of- the extensive schemes for the provisions of men and materials for the continuance of the struggle. The predominate belief in Great Britain that the war must terminate at an early date through the collaps'e, financial and material, of the Central Powers made it very difficult for the allied governments to 'demand sacrifices from their peoples which would extend over a lengthy period. Very few statesmen ventured to warn the public of what was yet to come, but Lord Heading was one of the first to dare to warn the public of what could be ex pected. On the occasion of a speech at Heading he expressed his opinion in no uncertain terms. ftI think that the man who believes that we are at the end of the sacrifices to be made in this war is living in a foolfs paradise,” he said. ”1 believe that we shall have to go through more than we have hitherto had to suffer before we emerge in safety .and see victory assured. During the crisis of 1914 the Lord Chief Justice be came a member of the committee whose duty it was to deal with the problem of high finance. His advice to. the com mittee was instrumental in securing the framing of the ^ Street, op.- cit. , p. 149. ; 17 measures which were taken at the time to avert the more serious consequences to the hanks and financial houses of the declaration of war. Street said: ”It was Lord Reading who was chiefly responsible for the stream of orders,, proclamations, and regulations which followed the extension of the bank holiday, the mora torium, and the closing of the Stock Exchange.”8 It was said that of all the acts of courage in the war, the arrangement by which the State, after the mora torium had been proclaimed, agreed to insure the payment of bills of.exchange was, perhaps, the most remarkable. The liability ran into millions; the actual loss was a few thousands at most. "This was Lord Reading1s doing,” it was written, ”and as a supreme example of intellectual courage it is sufficient in itself to ensure him the niche in the fame of the war.”9 In addition to the financial services Lord Reading acted as peace-maker between the members of the Cabinet. The Cabinet found as the war dragged on that its members . were not always agreed upon the best method by which vic tory could be achieved. As a former member of the govern ment he knew the views and opinions of each member of the ® London Times, December 31, 1935. 9 Loc. cit. 18 Cabinet, and since he no longer held a Ministerial post, he could assume an impartial and detached view and exert his persuasive power v/ithout the risk of incurring the charge of personal bias. The press generally agreed that the war must be won at all cost, but opinions differed as to the wisdom of cer tain of the Cabinet’s decisions, and it was found necessary for some one who enjoyed the confidence of all parties to act as a mediator between the Cabinet and the press. There were many things which could be said to the editors, but which could not be printed. It was felt that Lord Reading was the man to be relied upon, that any course of conduct suggested by him was certain to be based upon a clear and correct appreciation of the situation. Thus behind the scenes his powers of advocacy were again employed for his country *s benef it. CHAPTER III ENVOY AND AMBASSADOR TO THE UNITED STATES The entry of America into the war in 1917 called for a revision of the financial relationship hitherto ex isting between her and the Allies. While the United States was neutral J . P.. Morgan and Company had been Great Britain’s agent in America, but upon the entrance of the United States into the war the government had taken over the function which .1. P. Morgan and Company had heretofore been performing.! Meanwhile Great Britain had incurred a debt to Morgan and Company of some f400,000,000, which she was quite unable to pay. In this emergency Great Britain intended to send over some eminent politician to straighten the matter, but the American Government made it plain that p she wanted Lord Reading. At the same time, in December, 1917, Sir Cecil Spring-Riee, the British Ambassador to the United States, resigned.because of ill health. Lord Read ing, because of his great success in America on previous missions, was appointed to fill the vacant post. The act of appointment described him as "His Majesty’s Commissioner in the United States of America in the character of Ambassa ^ London Times, December 31, 1935. ^ Ibid., January 8, 1918. 19 dor Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of Special Mission. As High Commissioner and Special Ambassador, besides the work -of the British Embassy.in Washington, he had full authority over the members of all British Missions sent to the United States in connection with the prosecution of the war.^ Discussing the duties of Lord Reading, Lord North- cliff declared: The nation is indebted to Lord Reading for taking up the tremendous task of representing the War Cabinet, the British War Mission to the United States, the Treasury, the Ministry.of Munitions, the Air Board, and' in fact all British interests in the United States at a time when the interdependence of the united Kingdom on each other’s war efforts has been assumed a scale little imagined by the public, the speed of the AngloAmerican efforts has been impaired by the need of one controlling head of all British affairs in the United States. Precious weeks have been wasted in corres pondence and equally precious hours in cabling. . . . The diplomatic and financial aspects of Lord Reading’s mission are only part of his task. In addition, he will be- in charge in the United States of an enormous organization. The daily difficulties in Lord Reading’s task will be mitigated by the good will extended to him " ” eople of the United States and The London Times, in a leading article dealing with the appointment, declared that The appointment of Lord Chief Justice of England to be British High Commissioner in the United States is remarkable in many respects. It recalls a proud period in English history when English judges were, as he is, versed in statescraft, and it gives evidence 3 The London Times, January 8 , 1918. 4 New ¥ork Times, January 8 , 1918. ^ Tfre London Times, loc. cit. 20 of a desire on the part of the government to make use of indisputable financial and diplomatic ability. . . . It is known that few men in England would be received more cordially in America than Lord Heading.® On this side of the Atlantic,equal satisfaction and praise was expressed concerning his appointment as ambassa dor to the united States. In an editorial the New York ' Times made the following comment: Varied training in business, finance, and law joined to abilities of a very high order, give' Lord Heading special qualifications for the unusual duties he will be called upon to perform as British Ambassador at Washington. . . .The Ambassador is a man accoustomed to large affairs, and he is especially skilled in fin ance. It is in that branch of .relation of the two countries that his experience and abilities will be of greatest service, and it is with large financial and business transactions of his country with the United States that he will chiefly concern himself at his present post. . . . He is sure of a warm and sincere welcome here, for he not only has many friends and acquaintances in the United States, but the story of his brilliant career and of his rise to that place of great distinction which he occupies at home has won for him the admiration of Americans.7 Before leaving for the United States the SolicitorGeneral, Sir Gordon Hewart, K.C., speaking in behalf of the Bar, wished'his Lordship God-speed in his visit to the United States. During the course of his address he stated that the occasion was without precedent and without parallel. Never before in'the history of this country, in war 6 London Time s, January 18, 1918. ^ New York Times, January 8, 1918. SI or peace, has the King appointed a Lord Chief Justice of England to discharge the duties of High Commis sioner ? Ambassador Extraordinary and Minister Pleni potentiary. He further stated: In the unexampled needs of the present crisis no no other course was open. Already in the brief leisure of his great office, his Lordship had rendered, from the first moment of the war, such service to the state as was possible. His Lordship was called to the supreme task by the unanimous voice of the Englishspeaking world, and the satisfaction universally ex pressed on both sides of.the Atlantic at the announce ment of his appointment rested, as they all knew, on the ardent belief that, as Lord Chief Justice of Eng land, he would bring to every difficult and complicated problem not only to perfect impartiality of temper, but also an unsurpassed clearness of vision.8 It was understood that Lord Heading would remain Lord Chief Justice of England during his tenure of the office of ambassador to the United States. His appointment had been dictated primarily by the needs of the war. It also was expected that after the war Lord Reading would resume his brilliant career in the English Courts of Justice. — On February 9 Lord Reading arrived in the United States. The American press gave him a very sympathetic welcome. The British ambassador struck exactly the note which the American people desired to hear when in a state ment to the newspapers he said, I am indeed glad that I find myself once again, and for the third time since the beginning of the war in 8 London Times, January IS, 1918. 22 America. . . . I return this time charged with many and varied duties which I should scarcely have the courage to undertake had I not known from the past ex perience that my Government could implicitly rely upon the cordial good-will of the American people in their complete co-ordination with the Allies in all measures necessary for the vigorous prosecution of the war. . . . Let me impress upon you that when I left England the determination to carry the war to the end was as fixed as ever. Lord Heading went on to say, The British people are willing to face the critical months before us, perhaps the most critical of the war, with grim tenacity; they are prepared to endure what ever suffering, privation, or sacrifice may be neces sary to obtain the only possible conclusion of this war. That the American people are equally prepared to exert every effort to bring about this result is the surest guarantee that the cause is just and righteous.9 On February 14, 1918, he presented his credentials before President Wilson. On this occasion the President expressed the belief that the "righteous cause" in which the people of the United States and Great Britain are allied, would bind them more closely with one another and with the people of all other nations, "which desire the triumph of justice and liberty and;the establishment of a peace which shall last."-*-0 To which Lord Heading replied: His Majesty has directed, me to express to you, Mr. President, his earnest wish that the cordial rela tions which happily exist and have so long existed be tween Great Britain and the United States of America, and are now especially strengthened by the whole hearted cooperation of the two nations in a great g ^ New York Times, February 1 0 , 1 9 1 8 . Ihid., February 1 5 , 1 9 1 8 . 23 Common cause, may forever be maintained and may ever gain in strength. . . . And I am sure that in discharging my duties I shall find the greatest assistance in the hearty accord of an administration, which is inspired by an ardent and sin cere desire to cooperate in bringing the present con flict to a successful issue, thereby establishing the principles of liberty and justice between nations.1^ One of the first acts of Lord Reading was to meet all the most influential correspondents in Washington and to establish cordial relations with the American press. The ' result of this had been that it removed the widespread mis apprehension that had existed in the United States about Breat Britain. America was under the impression that Eng land was maintaining her own trade despite the war. Lord Reading made it perfectly plain through the press that Great Britain was not doing ’’business as usual/’ that she had sacrificed virtually all trade in non-essentials and had adopted the most drastic measures for the release of ship ping for the Trans-Atlantic war. Another one of Lord Reading’s immediate acts was to reorganize the whole Embassy Staff so as to coordinate the activities of the war mission and all other British Missions in .America. Thus, for example, he appointed Sir Hardman Lever, Financial Secretary to the Treasury, to be Assistant Commissioner in other matters with the Personal rank of New York Times, February 15, 1918. Plenipotentiary, Sir Richard Crawford was to be Commercial Commissioner.12 . Lord Reading, unlike other ambassadors, did not con fine his work to diplomacy only, but rendered the cause of the Allies a great service by bringing this cause to the American people. He had the rare faculty of reconciling American and European points of view. He visited the prin cipal cities of the- united States and addressed large audiences and thus became known to the majority of the American people. Knowing the psychology of the Americans he brought the Allies1 cause to them in their own language. Thus, for example, on March 29, speaking before the Lotos Club, he stirred his audience when he declared Mthe British and American nations can together secure almost all that is worth having, to ’the end not that one sovereignty might be greater than another, but that justice and peace may pre vail on earth. In addressing the conference of American war lec tures he pointed out to them why America entered the war: You watched, you weighed, you considered not from fear, but because there were great responsibilities naturally upon you and upon those who were your 12 New York Times, February 27, 1918. 1^ London Times, March 29, 1918. 25 leaders . . . there were movements when your very soul stirred with indignation at what was happening. There came, eventually after interchanges of notes, acts which made it impossible for you as a self respecting nation, according to the views of your President, to abstain from taking part in the conflict, therefore, America stepped into the war, and with it the whole plan of the conflict was raised, because we know per fectly well that America has only fought, and will fight for liberty, and democracy was that for which alone she would draw the sword.14 He urged his:listeners to go forth and arouse the people of America to a realization of the war. Speaking on the subject, "Is war worth it?” he again shows his ability to speak to the American people in their own language. He said: You will say to yourself, as very likely others say to themselves: Is it worth it? The answer is yes, it is worth it: and worth doing it again and again. It would not be worth it if we were fighting for the aggrandizement of one Power over another, but it is worth it if we realize that we are fighting for liberty and justice. To my mind this war is the challenge of brute force to justice. It means that liberty is to be crushed by military despotism if Germany can tri umph. it means that if we succeed, if you and we, and the Allies win the victory, as we must certainly shall, then it means that justice and liberty will triumph; it will mean that the-cause of which we are fighting, the great'conflict by which we hope, in your President’s words to make the world safe for democracy . . . to' take care that justice shall' be done between nations— shall triumph. Lord Heading addressed the sixth annual meeting of 14 Ibid.. April 11, 1918. Loc. cit. 26 Lord reading addressed the sixth annual meeting of the Chamber of Commerce of the United states held in Chicago on April 11, 1918, Luring the course of his address he was greatly cheered, especially when he declared: The liberty of the whole world is the issue, and there will be no German peace. The end of this con flict can come only by the signing of a just and lasting peace,and Germany shall never dictate its terms. The issue at stake is as sacred as the religion each of us possesses. It means that the liberty of the world is at stake, that the freedom of all the nations is in the balance. It means that here is a challenge by sword to justice, an attack'by military despotism upon democracy. It means that everything you and I hold dear in this world is taken in this war. . . .I6 Speaking on the same subject a few months later he again said, "Gradually, as evidence unfolded America came to realize that this was a struggle between two- systems of government which could no longer co-exist." Lord Reading further stated: They were' at the death-grapple. They are still. One or the other must survive. We know perfectly well that democracy will triumph. The one striking-feature of American institutions and of the American'people is the all-abiding faith they have in democracy as the true system of all government. In their unalterable conviction autocracy is the enemy of manking. Auto cracy must always mean military despotism, and military despotism must rest upon the power to make war. The London Times, April 15, 1918. 27 power to make war, exercised as a means to keep a G-overnment in power, inevitably as a means that war must ensue. It means further, that the u-overnment beset by any difficulties, plots for war. They are convinced as we are in this country, that no democracy, whatever may be said of what it might do in passion, ever sets out to plot for war. Therefore they come to the conclusion that it was necessary to engage in this war for the rescue of democracy as a system of government, with all that is involved for truth, for liberty, for justice prevailing amongst men.1? Lord Reading knew how to appeal to American sentiment. This ability is clearly seen from his address delivered at a luncheon given by the Merchant Association where he was guest of honor. His address was broken repeatedly by ap plause, especially at such times as when he stated his cause as in the following: In the end, we shall together be able to say that we have conquered for liberty and for justice. You will be able again to assert that passion for liberty for justice which has characterized the American people ever since they have been a people has once more tri umphed as it has in the past. Once again you will have attained the high ideal; you will have taken this time a place among nations which possibly many of you neverthought would be taken: but you will have done it hold ing on high the banner of liberty, calling to all to follow that banner--pointing out that when America does fight, it is not for aggression, it is not for territory, it is not for conquest, it is not for vanity or for any dynasty, but that it fights alone for liberty, for the benefit of humanity.18 In another speech given at the National Press Club he London Times, August 22, 1918. 18 New York Times, March 8, 1918. 28 pointed out the differences of the philosophies upon which the respective governments rest. He said: America at the- moment of call from the Allies responded swiftly and unhesitating with troops to the utmost of the shipping capacity, to he used as deemed best for the unselfish object of assisting to the best of her ability in the emergency. As time has passed and the vision has become clearer, it is apparent that this titanic conflict is one in which you must inevi tably have borne your part, for the struggle is between two systems of government, the one where the individual exists for the greater glorification of the state or dynasty, the other where the state exists for the pro■ tection of the weak and oppressed, and the safeguarding of the rights and liberties, and is based upon those principles of morality which are the only safe guides for -human conduct. . . , Under the latter system two great commonwealths have been involved as steps in the development of the human race upon this earth, the one sprung from the loins of the other and with all the virility and enthusiasm of its young manhood now fighting along side of the elder, to vindicate those ideals to which both the British Empire and the American Republic are dedicated.!9 As the war dragged on the Allies' position became precarious, so much so that Sir Douglas Haig, British Chief of Staff, made the following declaration: With our backs to the wall, and believing‘in the ^ justice of our cause, each one of us must, fight on to the end. The safety of our homes and freedom of manking depend alike upon the conduct of each one of us at this critical moment.2-0 At this very critical moment Lloyd George, too, appealed to the President that American troops should be sent abroad to ^ New York Times, May 12, 1918. London Times, April 13, 1918. 29 save the Allies from defeat. Lord Reading read the follow ing Premier1s message at the'Lotus Club dinner on May 27., 1918: We are at the crisis of the war. Attacked by an immense superiority of German troops, our army has been forced to retire. . . . Ihe situation is being faced with splendid courage and resolution . . . but this battle, the greatest and the most momentous in the history of the world, is only .gust beginning. Through out it the French and British are buoyed with the knowledge that the great Republic in the west will neglect no effort which can hasten its troops and its ships to Europe, it is impossible to exaggerate the importance of getting American reinforcements across the Atlantic in the shortest possible space of time.2! President Wilson immediately took steps to transport American troops to Europe. On April 2, 1918, Lord Reading sent a message of thanks to President Wilson in behalf of the British Government. It read: The knowledge that owing to the President’s prompt cooperation the Allies will receive the strong re inforcement necessary during the next few months is most welcome to the British Government and people.22 On many occasions after this momentous decision by the President, Lord Reading showed the importance that America now assumed as partner in the war and her responsi bility to achieve victory for the Allies. On April 24, 1918, he was guest of honor at a banquet given by the St. George’s Society. ^ During the course of his address he New York Times, March 28, 1918. 22 Ibid.. April 3, 1918. 30 stated that last month had brought the most severe trial that Great Britain had ever known. resulted in undoubted benefit. That supreme trial had It had cemented more closely the alliance between the British and French nations, and had led to the establishment of a united command. Lord Reading described the consent given by President Wilson to the British urge that American troops might be brigaded with the French and British divisions as a factor of supreme importance unhesitatingly given in a spirit of noble and unselfish devotion to the cause of the Allies. The audience rose with an accord to their feet and cheered as Lord Reading described the action of General Pershing, in presenting himself to General Foch and saying, "Here I am with American troops. disposal."2^ Everything we have is at your Proceeding with his speech Lord Reading said: We are not likely to forget that prompt and.unhesi tating reply of the United States. . . . 1 am not en titled to tell you exactly what happened, but I am justified in saying that ever since then there has been a greater activity among the American soldiers in this country.' Ships* that had been required for other pur poses were used to carry soldiers. I know I am speak ing the sentiment of all of you in saying that, when the moment arrives at which American, British, French, and .Italians will all fight side by side, there will be one idea dominating all and in the hour of victory no petty question will be raised, no one will ask who was responsible among the Allies for winning the victory. It will be simply our victory, for all of us will be victors.24 ^ London Times, April 25, 1918. 24 Loc. cit. 31 With the decision of the President to send American troops abroad many, problems arose. It was now necessary to send more men, food, war materials and other supplies abroad. Among these was the problem of food supply, transportation, shipping, and the supply of man power. Lord Heading took a hand in each of these problems and was instrumental in bringing them to a successful conclusion. One' of the first acts of the American government was to regulate all exports and imports so as to cut down nonessentials and save tonnage for war purposes. This caused many hardships on the American people and the question was raised as to whether England was making equal sacrifices, as there was still an impression here that England had maintained her own trade and despite the war was doing "business as usual.” To remove this widespread misapprehen sion Lord Reading, in a frank and free discussion, made it plain to the American press that Great Britain had sacrificed virtually all trade of non-essentials and had adopted the most drastic measures for the release of shipping for the Trans-Atlantic war service and was carrying nothing but food and war s u p p l i e s . During the early months of the American entry into the war, there were difficulties in the conveyance of food- 25 London Times, February 22, 1918. 32 stuffs by rail from-the interior to the coast for shipment abroad owing to the excessive cold. These were -overcome by the action of Mr. MacAdoo, the Director-General of the Rail ways who issued orders that the transport of food to the seaboard for the Allies should have absolute precedence over all other traffic. On February 22, 1918, Mr. MacAdoo had a conference with Lord Reading and told him that six trains loaded with meat products would be moved to the coast daily for the next four weeks for export to the Allies until a great quantity had been transported. Mr. MacAdoo also stated that between 1,500,000 to 2,000,000 bushels of corn were being taken to primary markets in the West daily that would be shipped to the Allies.2^A few months later, speaking on the American aid to the Allies, Lord Reading said: It is no secret that in February the food situation in France, Italy, and Great Britain was causing seri ous anxiety. That situation, however, had been relieved by the indefatigable extertions of Mr. Hoover cordially supported by the American people. It would be im possible to speak too highly of his efforts to provide foodstuffs for the Allies and the way in which he in variably responded to the joint request of my French and Italian colleagues and myself, who throughout acted in the closest and most intimate cooperation. There came a time early in the year when wheat could not be supplied to the Allies from the United States unless the American people were willing themselves to go short. Mr. Hoover placed the facts before them. The response ^ London Times, August 14, 1918. 33 to the appeal for self-denial was immediate and remark able, and enabled large shipments to be made at a time when, according to all calculations, there was no ex portable surplus in America. As an appreciation of the cooperation afforded by the United States Government in solving the food problem of England Lord Reading issued the following statement to the American people: I am sure I need.not tell you how beholded we are to the Americans for the supplies which we are receiv ing, more particularly of food, at this moment and • during the last few months. The value to the allied cause of these exports is incalculable.2® The British were able to institute a rationing system because the American vessels replenished their food supply. The rationing of meat, butter, and sugar had put an end to the feeling of insecurity caused under previous conditions, when long lines of buyers had to wait before provisions shops which were sometimes sold out before the purchasers at the end of the line had their turn to purchase. The rationing system guaranteed that whatever there was, it was equally divided among poor and rich, thus producing a better pq feeling of security. * Another problem that faced the administration and the ^ London Times, August 14, 1918. ^ New York Times, March 7, 1918. 29 Loc. cit. 34 Allies was the transport of troops. America did not have sufficient ships to carry men and supplies and the Allies1 ships were busy in action. Because of the efforts of Mr. Hurley, with the assistance of Mr. Schwab, ships were .launched and placed in commission within a period of two months. Lord Reading summarized the situation in the follow ing words: When that moment came the demand had to be made to the United States from the British Government for assistance in the shape of quickened transport of men, and what had hitherto seemed impossible became a living thing almost as the request was put forward. The great difficulty had always been to find the transport. The chief difficulty that had prevented America from sending over a larger number of troops was that trans ports were not available; but there were difficulties also in landing and dealing with men. When the supreme moment came, somehow or other no one knows how— the British Ministry of shipping, the Admiralty, and all concerned managed to find the ships, cost what it might. America was determined to be equal to us in any sacri fice that was necessary, and she also put forth her best effort, and the result of those efforts was, as you are seeing now, these great number of men coming over. It seems most difficult to picture to ourselves what the^advent-of close upon 300,000 men a month transported across the Atlantic means.- America, what ever else may be said, or whatever'may happen, will always be entitled to receive, and will receive, from the Allies the credit due to her. . . .50 In the last analysis the factor that helped the Allies to win the war was American man power. Nearly 1,500,000 American soldiers were in France by August, 1918. The impor tance that these men played in winning the war can be seen 30 London Times, August 22, 1918. 35 from the testimony given by Lord Reading in the report, to his fellow countrymen on his return to England. He said: When I arrived in the United States I found their American Military Law already in operation, and when- ever the history of the war comes to be written . . . ■ very high will rank the achievements of the adminis tration and the legislature in passing within so short a period after war was declared an Act which gave them compulsory military service of their huge population, which gave to every one there the personal interest which is so necessary of a relative or friend engaged in the struggle.- If any one doubts the value of it, let him turn to what has happened so recently, when you see as I do, 1,300,000 men and more in France at the present moment sent over by the United States, in so short a period . . . when America announced her entry into the war-— all doubts were once for all re moved, and the end, however long delayed, was quite certain. But even so, we probably never imagined that in so short a period America could play such a splendid part in war. . . . In the period of March, and the period which has ‘continued -up to now, we have had this magnificent spectacle, which has not only proved so inspiring and encouraging to all our troops and to all our people, but has actually given results. You know what has happened . . . you know the change that has taken place in the aspect of things since American troops arrived. . . . We feel as proud of their heroism and valour as if it had been that of our own soldiers. During his stay in England Lord Reading visited the American troops onr French soil. He took the opportunity to address them and told them the significance of their ac complishments, saying: I doubt if you yourselves know what your presence has done to encourage the British and French troops fighting here on the soil of France. From the time ^ London Times, August 2£, 1918. 56 your President said that you were to he sent over as fast as ships could carry you there has been no holding back. The submarine has hot held you back. . . . You have.only to look at the map to see what America is doing. But there is something more than your achieve ments.- There*is the Inspiration which your presence affords to the British and the French who are fighting with you to reclaim the devastated homes of this land of France, which is being won back for France, for France who has withstood this great struggle so heroically for four long years. You are helping t o d o this. . . . It is the support of all Americans, who, with all the British and all the French, are determined to fight to the end to make this a better world for all lovers of human freedom.32 During his brief career as Ambassador to the United States Lord Heading received honorary degrees from four great American universities^-Columbia, Princeton, Yale, and Harvard--an honor never before conferred on any ambassador. After conferring an honorary degree upon Lord Reading at Columbia University, Mr. Lansing, Secretary of State, delivered an address in'which he stated, "Prussia wickedly sought war and Prussia shall have war, more war, and more war, until the very thought of war is abhorrent to the Prussian mind."33 .Upon conferring an honorary degree upon Lord Heading, Dean Andrew Fleming West said: not alone for his great personal distinction, but also as supremely standing for the majesty of English law, Eofldon Times, September 6, 1918. 33 Ibid., June 25, 1918. 37 ancestral to our own and supremely representing here the free and the brave, and decent British people and their mighty empire, now passing with us, through the ordeal of fire we acclaim his presence with utmost favor, pledging to the limit of our power all we have and are, both hero and side by side on the field of France or wherever freedom flies her flag in the storm, until the arch enemy of free people shall fall to rise no more.34" After receiving an honorary degree at Harvard Lord Reading took the opportunity to propose that permanent ties should be established between the United States and the British Empire. He said: Our desire is to join you, to cooperate with you, to combine with you as fully as you will let us for the benefit of humanity, for the preservation of the liberties of the world, for the securing of justice among nations. . . . Having, as I verily believe, raised, or helped to raise among the Allies the ideals of men, let us combine to keep these ideals ever con tinue to raise these ideals even higher, so that in the end we may b e 'joined together. In that way we may transmit to our posterity, your descendents and ours, the same principles, the same ideals, the same deter mination, which indeed, make life'better, purer, juster, freer, for as long as we can work together-that means. I do believe, as long as the world shall continue.33 In addition to receiving four honorary degrees from American universities, Lord Reading also received an honor ary degree from the University of Toronto. Here, too, he advocated a union between all the English-speaking people.33 34 New York Times, June 16, 1918. ^ London Times, June 25, 1918. 36 Ibid.. May 20, 1918. 38 In the early part of August, Lord Reading returned to England for a brief .stay. object of his mission. Many rumors were spread as to the It was said that he would not return to the United States, but that he wanted to work out plans for an alliance with this country. However, he repudiated all such rumors in a speech made in England soon after his arrival. He said: May I say -. . . that when I returned to this country I came in order that I might have the advantage of conferring with the Prime Minister, with the Foreign Office, and with his Majesty’s Government so that we might discuss matters as we can so much better in con versation than by cable. I emphasize it because I have seen various reasons attributed for my visit here, I can only refer to one. It is said that I came here for the purpose of drawing up the terms of an offensive and defensive alliance between the United States and Great Britain. There is not a word of truth in that statement.37 The second rumor that he would not return to the United States was denied by the London Times, which stated: We understand that, while no definite period has been fixed to Lord Reading’s stay in England, it will 'not be.of long duration. As soon as the conferences in which he is engaged in London are terminated he will return to Washington.38 Commenting on the duration .of his visit the New York Times said: It was well understood by the United States Govern ment when Lord Reading departed from Washington that rzn London Times% August £2, 1918. Ibid., August 8, 1918. 39 his business in England was of temporary character only. This Government would feel real concern if Lord Reading should fail to resume his official duties here. He has established the most cordial relations with President Wilson and members of the Administration and his recall would be regarded as a real deprivation, particularly at this important time when Lord Reading was working in close harmony with the United States Government in the arrangement of measures for winning the war.39 The return of Lord Reading to England was the cause of interesting comments by the English and American press. All agreed that his achievements in the United States were of the greatest value to the victory of the Allies. The London Times evaluated his work in the United States in the following editorial: Lord Reading has managed to achieve in a few months a prestige and an influence at least equal and probably greater than any Ambassador, British or foreign, has ever enjoyed in the United States. . . . Much of the work which the British Ambassador has done must necessarily remain secret, but it is no ex aggeration to say that in the critical period of -the war beginning with the German super-offensive last March, the name Reading will be indelibly associated in the history with that of President Wilson and General Foch in bringing unity of command and unity of action among the Entente Allies. He is the most helpful in fluence that has appeared in a generation in bringing the English-speaking democracies closer together. He has done more than any written pact or agreement ever could have done. He has brought about between the two governments an understanding of the heart and mind of their peoples.40 39 New York Times, August 7, 1918. ^ London Times, August 8, 1918. 40 Equal praise was showered upon him by the American press. In an editorial the New York Times stated: All Americans will rejoice that Lord Reading, who recently left these shores for a return voyage, has■ safely reached an English port. They will be equally unanimous and cordial in expressing the hope that his return to England may prove to be but a temporary and brief interruption of his extraordinary useful and valuable labors as"Ambassador of the British Govern ment at Washington. The service of Lord Reading . . . was of the highest order of diplomacy and statesmanship. It was an in dispensable service. He saw clearly that swift trans portation across the Atlantic of American troops in large numbers and of American foodstuffs in an enormous volume was vital need of the hour. With his remarkable genius . . . he was able to make the resources of Great Britain and the United- States supplement each other . . . with the result that British shipping has made American armies and American supplies promply available for the reinforcement and sustenance of the allied forces in the field. . . . Americans may well feel that Lord Reading has been in no exclusive sense a representative.of Great Britain, since it is in no inconsiderable measure due to his ability and his labor that the United States has been able in so short a time to fill so large a place among -the forces arrayed against the enemies.41 During his stay in England he went to France and visited the American troops who captured Juvigny. After a brief visit of inspection Lbrd Reading addressed a large number of American officers attached to Headquarters. Stand ing in a deep dug-out quite near the front line he said: General I am glad to be here. I made up my mind 41 New York Times, August 7, 1918. when I came to France that I would not go back to America without seeing you, so that when I got back, I could tell them about you and what you are doing . . . it is magnificent. You have come over here over 3,000 miles. You are ready to risk your lives and you are fighting for an ideal, the highest ideal of all men, an ideal of'justice and liberty . . . you came in the war with no desire to conquer, but fully convinced that it was necessary for the good of the world that you should take your stand with u s . ^ Lord Reading1s address was embodied by the American commander in General Orders and read to the troops of all formations. He also visited General Pershing and General Foch's headquarters.. With the declaration of the Armistice Lord Reading's position at Washington was completed. He now took an active part in formulating the peace treaties. On October 15, 1918, he was summoned to a meeting of the War Cabinet, after a conference with Premier Lloyd George, presumably to give the Cabinet his personal opinion regarding President Wilson1s views of concluding the war. Again on October 31, 1918, Lord Reading together with the. Prime Minister represented Great Britain at the Supreme War Council, which met at Versailles. 4-^ He returned to London from Paris on November 6, 1918, and on the eighth of that month he was stricken with a feverish cold that kept him in bed until November 17, ^ London Times, September 6, 1918. 43 Ibid... October 31, 1918. 42 1918.44 While in England he acted as a member of the War Cabinet, and participated in its daily sessions. Five times he arranged to return to America, but each time his sailing was postponed at the request of Premier Lloyd George. At a luncheon given by the Pilgrim Club of England Lord Reading said: As you know, I came here to consult with our own Government, and ever since there have been events happening which have necessitated my remaining. Five times I have been almost within twenty-four hours of leaving and five times I have been stopped. I remain here now, as is my duty, for, according to the tradi tion in the Diplomatic Service. I being accredited to the President of the United States, should be here when the President comes to this country. . . .45 This prolonged stay in England again gave rise to rumors that Lord Reading would not return to the United States and that he would retire from the bench. It was not until February 13, 1919, that the Associated Press learned authoritatively that Lord Reading would return to America. On February 20 he sailed to the United States after having postponed previous departures because of illness. Before going on board he informed the press that he was anxious to get back to Washington because there were matters to attend to, including the completion of the British High Commission. 44 London Times, November 8, 1918. 45 Ibid.. November 29, 1918. 43 He hoped to return to England in April.^ On March 1, 1919, he issued the following statement on his arrival in the United States. It is with great pleasure that I find myself for the fourth time since the war in the United States . . . when I left for. England in August of last year my in tention was to stay there a few weeks. The rapidly changing situation in Europe led to repeated postpone ments of my intended return to "Washington. . . . After the terms of the Armistice had been settled by the associated powers, came the news that your President would visit Europe for the purpose of attending the Peace Conference. It then became my duty, as it is my privilege, to await his arrival and to remain in England during his visit. Those who were present will always remember the wonderful reception given to him by the British people. They were delighted to have the oppor tunity of paying their tribute to your President and through him to the American people. However, it was understood that he would not remain long in this country. After completing some of the unfin ished business that was left in Washington, he prepared to return to England. On May 4, 1919, he returned to resume his post of Lord Chief Justice of England. Upon his arrival David L. -George, British Prime Minister, addressed a letter to Lord Reading, conveying the Government’s thanks for the conspicuous services rendered the Empire while he was acting ambassador to the United States. The letter assured him that he was returning to his high judicial duties with the ^ New York Times. February 21, 1919. ^ Ibid., February 3, 1919. 44 gratitude and good will of the nation and empire.4® It was now difficult for him to settle down to the routine of his former work. him." "The War," he said, "had spoilt In truth, he had in his missions and ambassadorship shown such qualities that the government could not afford to let him remain even in the Chief Justiceship.49 4® New York Times, May 26, 1919. 49 London Times, December 31, 1935. CHAPTER IV VICEROY OF INDIA India, a territory of 1,808,629 square miles, equiva lent to about one half of the United States, belongs to Great Britain, It is administered by the British sovereign, as Emperor of India through the viceroy. In addition to the religions directly governed by British officials, it in cludes native states that are under the control of the British government. The population, according to the figures of*the census of 1921, consisted of 216,734,586 Hindus, 68,735,233 Moslems, and 11,571 Buddhists.1 the population are literate. Only six per cent of all About seventy-two per, cent of the people are engaged in agriculture and pastoral pur suits. Raw cotton is the chief export. Rice is the most important food crop. India had been profoundly affected by the war. Great Gritain had, during the war, found herself faced with the necessity of conciliating large blocks of people under her p domination. The simplest way in which to secure the sup port of these peoples was to promise them either independence 1International Year Book. 1923. 2L. R. Street, Lord Reading, p. 178. 46 or a measure of self government in accordance with the de mands of their most advanced advocate. Such promises were made by English politicians to the people of India, but after the war had been won, the promises were not fulfilled, because the natives were not prepared for self-government. The period immediately after the war was truly in timidating. English prestige had vanished in India and the natives had lost their traditional respect for the Europeans. A humiliating treaty with Afghanistan had des troyed among the Indians their former reverence for British power.^ Eor it is a curious fact that EnglandTs victory over Germany lowered, rather than raised her military repu tation in India. The masses had hitherto regarded English men as all-powerful, and their respect was turned to some thing resembling contempt, when they learned that their ruler had been forced to seek the aid of other nations to win a victory. Thus, for the' first time in its thousands of years of history, the hundred races, religions, and languages of the Indian Peninsula united in their hatred toward the English.4 In fact the whole country was in a' state of turmoil and on every hand one could sense the 3 Capolla, "Visiting the Viceroy," Living Age, 315: 20, October 7, 1922. 4 Loc. cit. 47 mounting bitterness against the ruler of India*5 In spite of British efforts to solve the Indian af fairs, the state of India appeared to be going from bad to worse. At this critical period Viceroy Chelmsford's term expired; and in January, 1921, it was announced that Lord CL Heading was to succeed him as Viceroy of India. Lord Reading, himself, had no ambition to become Viceroy, for he had previously held the highest judicial post in the British Empire, which in those days, at least, was greatly to be preferred to the hard task of governing India. He was further reluctant to accept the position because he feared that Lady Reading would not be able to stand the Indian climate. But it was Lord Curzon who overcame his fears by insisting that India had many climates, and for the Viceroy it was always possible to choose what climate he pleased.7 The London Times, commenting on his appointment, said: In Lord Reading India will have a Viceroy of an un usual, and as we think, a suitable type, well fitted to the changing conditions. The next Viceroy must be a man of,exceptional mental caliber and of varied ex perience, and Lord Reading possesses these qualities in an ample degree.8 ^ "Lord Reading’s Rule," New York Times, May, 1922. ^ London Times, December 31, 1935. 7 Loc. cit. ® Quoted in the Literary Digest, February 19, 1921, p . 22. 48 Lord Heading went to India with the spirit of up holding the traditions of British justice in India, In a speech delivered before the British Bar members he said: 'We. have learned that there are calls of duty which must be obeyed. To be the representative of the King.Emperor in India is to be the representative of justice. I leave the seat of justice, not forsaking the pursuit of justice, but rather pursuing it in a larger field. Going to India, with the sole desire to do right, I undertake this task gladly, because it was represented to me that in doing so I could be of service to my country. I am confident that in India, as in England, justice must reign supreme.9 Lord Reading arrived in India April 2, 1921. On landing at Bombay the new 'Viceroy received a cordial wel come from a brilliant throng of high officials. The muni cipal corporation presented an address to which Lord Read ing r e p l i e d . I n this reply he declared that he fully recognized the seriousness of his undertaking and the vast responsibilities which would devolve upon him. He concluded by stressing his belief in justice administered with rigor ous impartiality. These words‘created a strong and favor able impression upon the Indian people.. Speaking of the wel come, he declared it to show "that the people of India have not set their hearts against the new Viceroy, but rather 9 L. R. Street, op. cit., p. 189. "India's Welcome to her new Viceroy," New York Times Current History, 14:528, May, 1921. 49 that they gladly welcomed a Viceroy who wished to he in sympathy with them."!-*- Thus, it was in the spirit of " jus tice according to equality” that Lord Heading at the age of sixty started out on his new undertaking. Lord Heading inherited from his predecessor a great and .difficult burden. He assumed office in April, 1921, during times of grave danger and anxiety. G-andhiTs protest movement had just then reached greater height than ever ber fore. Gandhi was everywhere, visiting all the principal cities, advocating cooperation of Hindus and Mohammedans, and was universally reverenced as a god. The "God, Gandhi, sent down to earth to drive the last of the hated whites ■from the sacred soil of India, and'to prove for all time the undisputed superiority of the Asiatics to the Euro peans."-*-^ Because of Gandhi*s influence there developed among the masses of India, who were formerly courteous and loyal, a violent hatred toward the government and a tendency to obstruct and insult officials to such an unprecedented ex tent that in certain parts of the country Europeans were living in constant fear of attack. many anti-British demonstrations. His activities led to One of these was a popu- "India’s Welcome to her new Viceroy," loc. cit. ^ Capolla, op. cit., p. 20. 50 lar movement to burn in public all cloth of British manufac ture and many of his followers threw into the fire the for eign cloth in their p o s s e s s i o n . 1 3 Theoretically, G-andhi preached a passive revolt against all Western influence and a return to an idyllic condition in which India knew neither suffering nor disease, poverty nor hunger. In practice, his non-cooperative move ments meant boycotting all western goods, European employees, and murderous attacks upon police officers. Passive re- t sistance involved refusal to pay taxes, refusal to perform military or civil service, and to disobey civil authority. The inciting speeches of Gandhi and his associates led to fatal conflicts between the police and non-cooperat ing mobs at numerous centers. were frequent riots. Throughout the year there In August fighting took place in the streets of Calcutta, where nearly seven hundred insurgents, who had been disturbing the southern and south-eastern quarters of the city, were killed by British troops sent to put down the riots, and seventy of the soldiers and seven teen of the policemen were missing.^ A few European resi dents were also killed and a large number of Hindus were I rz International Year Book, 1921, p. 344. 14 Ibid., p. 343. massacred. Towards the end of the same month there commenced in the southern province of Malabor among the fanatic Mohamme dans an attack directed at first at the European planters and later in wholesale fashion against the. Hindu population. It was not long before this conflict began to assume the dimensions of a civil war. 15 2,339 persons. captured. i>he Mohammedans lost about Of these 1,652 were wounded and 5,955. were The murdered Hindus numbered in the hundreds and the forced conversions to Mohammedanism were estimated by the thousands.IS At the same time there had occurred at the shrine of Nankhana sahib one of the most.terrible reli gious massacres of all time.; About two hundred Reformist Siks were admitted to the interior of the shrine, the great doors were closed behind them, and every man, woman, and child of the company was murdered. To deal with this unrest the government adopted a firm policy. It put in operation the Rowlatt Bill, which was passed in 1919 by both houses of Parliament. This bill gave extra-judicial power for dealing with rioting and s e d i t i o n . I t suspended all civil rights and,left the 15 George Pilcher, "Lord Reading*s Indian Viceroyalty," Edinburgh Review, 1926, p. 227. Po°» cit. 17 L. R. Street, o jd. cit., p. 198. 52 natives at the mercy of the government. However, instead of helping the government *to subdue the riots, it greatly angered the intelligent natives, who were till then co- * operating with the English.1® jn order to defeat this measure, Gandhi advocated his passive resistance policy, which brought about more riots in which many were killed. The success of the Turks in Asia Minor was celebrated by the Indian Mohammedans everywhere. At Bombay the date, September 18, 1922, was made a day of prayer and thanksgiv ing and the Moslem quarters of the city were draped with Turkish flags. In Calcutta, also, the same day, Moslems were summoned from all quarters to pray for Turkish success. A pilgrimage of thousands of Moslems was made to the Mosques, where Lloyd George was denounced for his persecution of the Turks. Resolutions were passed at a great meeting at Ahmedabad, protesting against the British dispatch of troops to Constantinople, and the speakers threatened to aid the Turks on the battle field, if Great Britain declared war against Turkey.19 In response to the discontent, the British govern ment made promises to comply with the Moslem demands, but ahead with measures of repression, such as the arrest of the International Year Book, 1921, p. 545. 19 International Year Book, 1922, p. 351. 53 Mohammedan leaders, the Ali brothers, and Dr. Hitchlew, sen tencing them to two years imprisonment. On this occasion Gandhi proceeded to declare that the time had come for the refusing of any cooperation with the government. This .in volved refusal to pay taxes and to perform military ser vices. Mohammed-Ali, the Moslem leader of India, declared that "if the people of India followed the advice of Gandhi they would have freedom and home rule within a .year."^® The fomenters of disorder were given an unusual opportunity for dramatic display of their power in the first year of Lord Reading’s office; namely, the visit to India of the Prince of Wales which was made at the Viceroy’s own in sistence. As early as July, 1921, Gandhi had made it quite clear that, regarded as an ambassador of British influence, the'Prince of Wales, when he came to India, would be made the subject of a non-cooperative strike demonstration when ever and wherever possible.22 On November 17, 1921, on the day of the landing of the Prince of Wales in Bombay, the ceremonials of welcoming him were accompanied by rioting in the native quarters, but where the Prince appeared he was received with the apparent New York Times Current History, 14:635. ^ London Times, December 31, 1935. 22 George Pilcher', op. cit., p. 228. 54 enthusiasm by great crowds made up of all classes of the population. ■At the same time Gandhi called for a general strike. Rioting occurred during the Prince’s procession in the quarter of the city where the Nationalist element was strong. About twenty thousand natives took part in the dis order, which resulted in the burning of property, assaults on the police, and the killing of over fifty persons, and the wounding of four hundred. The Prince’s journey continued with somewhat similar results in other cities— being received magnificently by the official class, but with protests and rioting by the nationalists. The news about the shedding of blood was re ceived with great regret by Gandhi because of his inability to prevent violence on the part of the masses. The behavior of the Nationalists during the visit of the Prince of Wales produced such a powerful reaction in England that it startled even Lloyd George from his preoccupation.2^ He took the opportunity to point out that the reforms intro duced in India were in force during an experimental period, and were subject to repeal, should they be found unworkable. The policies advocated by Gandhi were carried out by 23 George Pilcher, ’’Lord Reading’s Indian Viceroyalty,” Edinburgh Review, 1926, p. 228. 24: Street, op. cit., p. 248. 55 the representatives of the Indian people, who worked in a body known as the Indian National Congress. This Congress met yearly and decided upon ways and means t o ‘gain complete independence of Great. .Britain. The Nationalist Congress that met in the year 1921 was attended by IS,000 people. At this time a proposal was introduced by Gandhi which called for a policy of non-violence. This proposal was carried with only twelve dissenting votes. The resolution, according to its author, was a challenge to an arrogant government, which had disregarded the opinion of the mil lions of natives and was attempting to crush out their free dom. The resolution declared that Gandhi was the sole executive authority of the movement and that neither he nor any of his successors, .if theywould .be arrested, should be authorized to make peace with the government without the previous consent of the Congress. ^ The people were advised to organize public meetings throughout the country without regard to the law forbidding them and were exhorted to join the Khalifat volunteers and to submit quietly if they were arrested. ^ The Nationalist appealed to racial and sentimental prejudices of the people and took advantage of the existing InternationaI Year Book, 1921, p. 346. 26 Ibid., p. 344. 56 economic discontent, resulting from after-war conditions. The various methods employed by the national agitators against the government included: the instigating of Nation alist courts whose decisions were, if necessary, carried out by force; and the economic boycott of imports of British or other foreign cloths. In general, there was among the masses a deep hostility toward the government. Addressing the Congress, Gandhi said that independence was within their reach and that it was in their power to organ ize their own government. If the public would refuse to pay the taxes, the government could be compelled to give up its military and political s e r v i c e s . H e told the people that it rested with them whether they would remain under the flag of the Satan or under the flag of God. On this Congress it was further recommended that the subdivi sions of this Congress should gather together foreign cloths in order to burn them in public demonstrations. However, Gandhi did not hold together the Indian National Congress very long. During the next Congress which met in December, 1922, there developed a break among the Nationalists. One group favored the policy of continu ing boycotting the New Legislature in order to discredit it in the eyes of the people; another group favored the entry 27 International Year Book, loc. cit. 57 of Indians in the Legislative Council. By 19£4 Gandhi’s influence was greatly weakened, as it is shown by the fol lowing statement that he made at a meeting of the all Indian Congress Committee in which he said: I am not a lunatic. I am a reasonable man. I am losing ground gradually and would have ho hesitation in bending before the Swarajists ^home rule party) and Liberals. If necessary I shall bend before the English also, if only they show a change o f h e a r t .2 8 To all appearances Gandhi was now completely discredited as a leader because his non-violence policy became a long cam paign of violent recriminations between the followers of the Hindu and Moslem religions.29 Such were the problems that confronted Lord Reading when he took office. Believing in the principle ’’that justice and kindness have never failed to create friendship between men of all races,” he first attempted to cope with the. problems with a kind and lenient h a n d .8 9 Accordingly, one of his earliest moves was to invite Gandhi to a series of personal conferences. In inviting Gandhi for the inter view Lord Reading stated: I am thoroughly satisfied from long experience and some knowledge of public affairs that it is only by the interchange of thoughts and by constant communica- 28 Quoted in International Year Book, p. 353, 1924. 2^ Pilcher, op. cit., p. 229. 88 Living Age, 315:23. 58 tion between members of different races existing under the same government.and having precisely the same objectives in view the welfare of India— that we can arrive at satisfactory results,31 Similar interviews with Mahomed Ali and Shankat Ali resulted in these leaders issuing a proclamation of regret that their speeches had incited the people to violence. They pledged themselves publicly not to repeat this type of speech as long as they remained associated with Gandhi. However, although the incitement of violence was stopped as a result of the interviews, rioting and disorder con tinued to take place. For this was perhaps characteristic of Gandhi that while constantly avowing his- devotion to a "non-violent” policy, he continued to preach doctrines which could ultimately lead only to bloodshed.3^ Thus, although Lord Heading was at first lenient in his dealing with the extremist, he changed his attitude when he saw that the Indians were taking advantage of it. I readily admit that we have sought to avoid action which might either be misconceived or misrepresented, as too severe or as provocative, but recent events have made it imperative that the full strength of the Government should be exerted for the purpose of vin-' dicating the law and preserving order.33 Furthermore, he learned from the extremist that they were ^ Street, op. cit., p. 205. 32 London Times, December 31, 1935. ^ Street, op. cit., p. 239. 59 reckless, agitators who were careless of the true interest of India and that their only objective was destruction. He, therefore, concluded that the "non-cooperation could be combated by administrative methods and that the outbreak of violence could only end by a display of force. With this determination he ordered the arrest of hundreds of agitators, and on-February 9, 1922, he ordered the arrest of Gandhi himself. Gandhi’s arrest took place March 10, 1922, on the charge of sedition, and he was sentenced to prison for six years. In the course of the trial he made a severe in dictment of the British rule in India. The court in pass ing judgement, on the other hand, paid high tribute to the prisoner’s character.^ Immediately after Gandhi’s convic tion the executive committee of the Indian National Congress called upon the people to exercise self-r.estraint, but to continue boycotting British made cloth and to continue the passive resistance policy. However, with Gandhi’s arrest and imprisonment the ’’non-cooperative” party, left without an able successor to its former leader, showed increasing signs of disintegra tion. In December, 1922, some of the influential members of the All-India Congress formed a new party which agreed ^ International Year Book, 1922, p. 350. 60 to enter into the elections for various provincial and national assemblies, and by this action they virtually ceased to be non-cooperators whose fundamental creed was abstention from participation in any form of governmental activity whatever. ^ Furthermore, one year later the execu tive committee of the Indian Congress approved the stand of Gandhi himself, abolishing the policy of non-cooperation and permitting the Swarajists to sit in the legislative assemblies and to participate in the government in general.^6 The year of 1925 was a comparatively quiet one. Gandhi announced at the beginning of the year that he had decided to take a rest for at least a year. This was inter preted as meaning that he was going to retire from politics and permit the movement to go its own way. Another task that confronted Lord Reading was put into operation in a new and highly theoretical constitu tion.3^ It was in 1918 that Lord Chelmsford and Montagu drew up a report which contained recommendations for' the future government of India. *The•over-centralized government that existed till then was no more workable, for it was a govern ment in which the Indians themselves had practically no 33 International Year Book, 1925, p. 351. 36 Ibid., 1924, p. 353. 3? George Pilcher, "Lord Heading's Indian Viceroyalty," The Edinburgh Review, 1926, p. 225. 61 share. The report proposed that the administration should be divided into two parts: (a) The Reserved subjects to be administered by the governor and his executive council: (b) the Transferred subjects to be.transferred to ministers chosen by the governor from among the elected members of the Legislature. According to the recommendations of the ChelmsfordMontagu report, Parliament passed a bill on December 23, 1919, which gave the natives a share in the government.38 The bill provided that the legislature.should consist of two chambers: the Council of State and the Legislative Assembly. The Council of State was to have a membership of sixty of whom only twenty could be officials of the govern ment. The Legislative Assembly was to have 144 members of whom twenty-six were to b e officials and the rest elected. The term of the’ Council was to be five years and of the Assembly, three years; but the dissolution might be ordered sooner or the term might be extended at the wish of the Viceroy.39 The Legislature was impowered, subject to cer tain restrictions, to make laws throughout British India for all persons whether native or British, for British sub jects in the Native States, and for British Indian subjects 38 Street, o jd . cit., p. 198. 39 International Year Book, 1921, p. 343. 62 in all parts of the world. This new parliament under the..reform program was/ opened for the first time at Delhi by the Duke of Connaught on February 8, 1921. At the same time a permanent Chamber of Princes was also inaugurated. Its function concerned the rights and welfare of about one fifth of the population. It was consultative, not executive, consisting of the making of recommendations in respect to treaties, the rights and privileges of the princes and their states.^ It was up to Lord Heading to put into a successful operation these com plicated and novel reforms. To do this Lord Reading met many obstacles. During the first two years of its existence, Parlia ment did not function properly. The work was hampered by extreme nationalists who sought to block all reforms. These extremists were led by Mahatma Gandhi who- advocated "noncooperation" and boycotting of elections. At the Indian National*Congress which met at Delhi, September 15, 1923, it was resolved in accordance with the wishes of Gandhi that the nationalist should propose candi dates for the Legislative Assembly and the provincial councils. ^ The Home Rule Party in assenting to this designed International Year Book, 1921, p. 343. 63 'merely to send their candidates to obstruct the necessary legislation. 43In the election of the same year for the provincial council and the Legislative Assembly the extremists, that is to say those who favored immediate home rule, failed to obtain a working majority in any of the provinces but ap peared to be assured of a sufficiently strong minority to block desirable reforms. The result of this was the block ing of necessary business legislation. When the new Assembly opened in January, 1924, Lord heading, in the course of his opening address, declared that all attempts to obstruct Parliamentary procedure would damage the in terests of the reformers themselves. However, the Legis lative Assembly had succeeded with the cooperation of the Moderates in drawing up a set of rules and had established precedents which it was believed would enable it to with stand the attacks of its foes.' As a result of these tac-. tics on the part of the Moderates, the government succeeded to pass many of its measures.^2 It-was largely owing to the Viceroy’s tact and personal popularity that this grave danger was avoided. The Moderates among the Nationalist party knew that in. Lord Heading they had a viceroy whom they ^ International Year Book, 1923. 4-P Street, o j d . cit., p. 280. 64 .could trust and who was prepared to trust them.43 The. re sult was the practical abandonment of the policy of "non cooperation. rf Also the Nationalists now decided to fight for self-government on a constitutional line. They entered the legislature and during the.summer of 1924 actually voted with the government upon a tariff measure.44 Lord Reading’s most conspicuous accomplishment in India was in the field of finance. The three years pre ceding his arrival in India had been heavy annual deficits in the Budget.43 The budget on which the government was operating when Lord Reading arrived in India resulted at the end of the year of 1921 in a deficit of h 22,000,000 on a gross estimated expenditure of some h 85,000,000.43 Heavy new taxation had been imposed--the vote of the first Reformed Assembly— a few weeks before Lord Reading’s ar-' rival, and still heavier taxation was necessitated in the first budget of Lord Reading’s Viceroyalty in order to meet yet another prospective deficit amounting to about h 21,000,000 on the then existing basis of taxation.. Under these financial conditions Lord Reading set 42 Street, o£. cit. , p. 280. 43 Ibid., p. 287. 43 London Times, December 31, 1935, 43 Edinburgh Review, 1926, 233. himself to' secure a balanced budget on the capacity of the Indian taxpayer to pay. One of his earliest and most im portant acts in the. financial sphere was the appointment in 1922 of the Inchcape Retrenchment Committee which made a thorough overhaul of Indian finances and suggested recur ring-saving over L 1 2 , 0 0 0 , 0 0 0 . After three years of Lord Reading’s administration the great bulk of the economies that had been suggested by the Inchcape committee had been incorporated in successive budgets. terminated in.1923. to 1926. The era of deficits Financial progress was made from 1923 This resulted in a steady surplus of from £ 1,000,000 t o t 5,000,000. This was accomplished in spite of the salt tax which had been greatly reduced. The much hated cotton excise had been removed at a sacrifice of. between one to two million sterling.48 Also military ex penditure had been reduced some L 38,000,000. Above; all, , the Viceroyalty of Lord Reading had brought India nearer to- ‘ a sound practice in railway outlay and administration than at any other time in her previous history. However, these economic improvements were made possible not only by Lord Reading’s sound financial policies, but also by the good fortune of excellent crops that India enjoyed during his 47 Ibid., p. 334. 48 London Times. December 31, 1935. Yiceroyalty. In his speech at Bombay on his first arrival in India Lord Heading declared that he had set out hopefully upon an arduous task because "all his experience of human beings and human affairs had convinced him that justice and sym pathy never failed to evoke responsive chords in the hearts of men of whatever race, creed, or class." Throughout his term of office in India, Lord Heading was as good as his word. His policy throughout observed a scrupulous regard for legality. The earliest evidence of Lord Readingrs determination in this matter was the resignation in July, 1921, of a powerful member of his Viceroyal Council, fol lowing a disclosure in court showing that instructions had been received nominally from the Government of India to withdraw a case against two Bengali merchants charged with delinquency in the supply of munitions. The author of the instructions' proved to be-the Commerce Member who had not conculted the Viceroy, Lord Heading, and the said member parted company without further, ado and India afforded im pressive evidence of a sterner interpretation of the spirit of British justice.^9 During his administration a factory act was passed and went into effect in 1922, limiting the hours of employ- ^ inburgh Review, 1922, p. 237. 67 ment to sixty in any one week and to eleven in any one day. A six-day week was instituted and further restrictions placed on the employment of women and c h i l d r e n . L o r d Reading consented to a restrictive hut very definite experiment in the Indianisation of a selected group of cavalry and in fantry units. He also had warmly approved a campaign for elimination of the scourge of leprosy from India by new curative methods.51 Lord Reading’s term of office had been prolific with inquiries into problems affecting the welfare of the people of India*. At the suggestion of the Assembly in inquiry was ordered into the working of the Montagu-Chelmfor reforms. The status of the North-West frontier provinces was simi-. larly examined. A preliminary inquiry into'the bases of the system of Indian taxation was yet another subject of investigation. The Edinburgh Review stated: In.every case these inquiries were the suggestion of Indian sponsors; in assenting to the inquiries Lord Reading showed his desire to govern, as far as pos sible, in full accord with advanced Indian opinion. Many examples’are available of Indian demands which had long been resisted on the score of economy, or of their conflict with British standards and conceptions, but which were conceded during Lord Reading’s regime on the principle of respect for the will of the governed.52 International Year Book. ^ Edinburgh Review, 1926, p. 239. 52 Loc. cit. 68 On March 26-,1926, -Lord Reading’s term expired. In referring to it':the London Times said: It is a fact,that at the end of Lord Reading’s term of office the condition of India was better, more prosperous, and more peaceful than five years earlier the most sanguine prophet could have predicted.53 He had succeeded in introducing the elements of selfgovernment in most of the.provinces and established, mainly by the force of his own personality, almost friendly rela tions between the parties in the Central Legislature. The menace of the non-cooperation was at an end, and the strug-* gle between Indian aspirations and British caution had entered upon the constitutional phase. Lord Reading de clared that he had striven after many things: economic prosperity, the advance of India to a new status and dig nity, and the encouragement of India to build her own responsible government within the community of nations which form the British Empire. In a speech prior to leaving India Lord Reading con cluded: Peace reigns in our borders. International distur bances have been set at rest: law and order have been vindicated and established; the financial.situation has been stabilized, with beneficial reaction on the nationbuilding activities of the reformed constitution.54 With these words Lord Reading laid down the burden of office as Viceroy of India. 53 London Times. December 12, 1935. Street, o£. cit., p. 284. CHAPTER V SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION Lord Reading was born in London on October 10, 1860. He was then known as Rufus Daniel Isaacs, He found early school life unimportant, and was thus inclined to seek other interests. Fired with imagination and the lust for adventure, he sailed the seas in search for new diversions and excitement. In his early twenties he-became a member of the Stock Exchange. Ambition, however, stirred him on to seek a better position. Law was one of them. He visioned new fields of conquest. His interest in this profession was heightened by the encouragement given him by his friend, Miss Alice Cohen, whom he later married. 'At twenty-seven he possessed the necessary qualities for a successful career at. the-Bar. Steadily'he' made-his way to the top; first, assuming the position as Queen1s Counsel; then making his way to, Parliament .as a member of the Liberal Party. In Parliament he advocated many reforms in foreign and dom estic affairs. The value of his judgment and of his opinion were fully known and appreciated. In 1910 the King was pleased to confer the honor of Knighthood upon Rufus Isaacs. by the office of Attorney General. This honor was followed In this position he continued to fight for the policies of his party. In 1913, upon the death of Lord Alverstone, Isaacs became Lord Chief Justice. His appointment to this position was in recogni tion of his legal abilities rather than as the reward of a Cabinet Minister. In January, 1914, he was created a-baron and took the title of Lord Reading. During the short time that he was able to devote to the duties of Lord Chief Justice, he exhibited all the high qualities which tradi tion and experience had led the world to expect in a British judge. At the outbreak of the World War men of all positions and all shades of political opinion placed their services at the disposal of their country. .At such a time it was in evitable that the government should turn once more to the man by whose wisdom they had often profited. The shaping of the financial policy which saved Great Britain from economic catastrophe at the beginning of the war was due in no small measure to Lord Reading. As the war dragged on it became increasingly evident that the Allies could not rely upon their own financial re sources to bring about a successful conclusion. As a result Lord Reading assumed the position as Envoy and Ambassador to the United States, and immediately sailed to negotiate a loan In which his attempts were successful. After he 71 accomplished his mission he- returned to England to resume his brilliant career in the English Courts of Justice. Following the war Britain had trouble with the Indian people. India had been profoundly affected by the war. In spite of British efforts to solve her affairs, things in India went from bad to worse. In 1921 it was announced that Lord Reading was to succeed Viceroy Chelmsford, whose term had expired. Lord Reading went to India with the spirit of uphold ing the traditions of the British Courts of Justice. confronted-with many problems when he took office. He was Believ ing in the principle "that justice and kindness have never failed to create friendship between men of all races,tf he first attempted to cope with the problems with a kind and lenient hand. When it appeared that they were taking ad vantage of his leniency, he changed his attitude in dealing with the natives. Lord Reading*s most conspicuous accomplishment was in the field of finance. He set himself to secure a bal anced budget on the Indian tax-payer*s capacity to pay. Act after act was passed benefitting populace of India. On March 26, 1926, he.completed his term of office in India. During the period in which he had served as Viceroy there, conditions had taken a turn for the better; the country was assuming a more prosperous and peaceful 72 pattern than had existed previous to his Viceroyalty.. his work was complete. .Thus, Having laid aside his position as Viceroy of India, he returned to. England to rece.ive the . applause of his countrymen. In an attempt to summarize the qualities that en abled Lord Heading to gain the praises of a nation and of a world, one finds that as a thinker Lord Reading was great. His thought, coming as it did from a man of great, intel lectual power and large experience of life, had value. He was one who fearlessly penetrated the heart of things; and was, therefore, original in the true sense. He spoke with authority. He had rare industry and considerable organiz ing power. He had, too, the true statesman’s gift of leadership and inspiration. And above all, Lord Heading bore the stamp of pure sincerity— he was gentle, affection ate, a friend and counsellor, and an inspiration to those who knew' him. His was a large and loving view of life. Lord Reading’s love for his country proved that his essential" greatness lay in his activity. He gave to one long, selfless service for the good of men. In the last analysis he valued sacrifice and duty above everything else. For this he will remain in the hearts of his country men and throughout the world as a champion’ of liberty and justice. BIBLIOGRAPHY BIBLIOGRAPHY PRIMARY MATERIAL Coatman, J., India— Central Bureau of Information. A State ment for presentation to Parliament in accordance with the requirements of the 26th section of the Government of India Act. Calcutta, India: Government of India Press, 1921-1926. Curtles, L., Papers Relating to the Application of the Principles Dyarchy. Oxford, England: The Clarendon Press, 1920. Simon, Sir John, M.P., India and the Simon Report. New York: Coward-McCann Inc., 1930. Watson, Blanche, Gandhi and Non-Violent Resistance. The non cooperation movement of India. Madras: Ganesh and Co., 1923. * Whyte, Sir Frederick, India, A Federalism. Williams, Bushbrook, L.F., India in 1921-1926. A Report prepared for presentation to Parliament in accordance with the requirements of the 26th Section of the Gov ernment of India Act. 5 vols. Calcutta, India: Superintendent Government Printing, n.d. PERIODICALS Anonymous, "Britain sends us Her Lord Chief Justice,” The Literary Digest, 56:45?-47, January 19, 1918. , "Lord Reading’s E n e m i e s Current History Magazine, 14:434, January, 1921. _______ , "India’s New Viceroy," Current History Magazine, 13:314, February, 1921. _______ , "India’s Welcome to Her New Viceroy," Current History Magazine, 14:228, May, 1921. Capolla, A., "Visiting the Viceroy," The Living Age, 315:19, October 7, 1922.• 75 Dilnot, Frank, "The Earl of Reading," World*s Work, 55:496, March, 1918. Emerson, Gertrude, "Non-Violent, Non-Cooperation in India," Asia, EE:612, August, 19E2. Grahame, Leopold, "Earl Reading’s Appointment," The PanAmerican Magazine, 26:217-18, February, 1918. Reading, Lord, "The Message of the Hour," The Independent, 49:9, April 6, 1918. _______ , "War Ideals of Great Britain," The Forum, 60:36-37, July, 1918. ¥/ilson, P. W. , "British Rule in India," 128:325, May 8, 1922. The Week Review, ________ "The Unrest in India," World* s Work, 43:536, March, 1922. NEWSPAPERS The -London Times, 1906-1936. The Manchester Guardian, 1906-1936. The New York Times, 1906-1936. SECONDARY MATERIAL Age, Khub Dekhta, India Tomorrow. Oxford, England: Oxford University Press, 1927. Allan, S., The Chambridge Shorter History of India. New York: The Macmillan Company, 1934. Andrews, C. F., India and the -Simon Report. New York: The Macmillan Company, 1930. _______, Mahatma Gandhi *s Ideas. New York: The Macmillan Company, 1930. Appadorai, A . , Dyarchy in Practice. Boston: Longmans, Green and Company, 1937. 76 Ashby, L. T., My India. Recollections of Fifty Years. Boston: Little Brown and Company, 1937. Banerjse, Nath Dehendra, The Indian Constitution and Its Actual Working. Boston: Longmans, Green and Company, 1926. Durant, William, The Case for India. New York: Simon and Schuster, n. d. Fisher, F. B., That Strange Little Brown Man Gandhi. New York: Raylong and Richard R. Smith Inc., 1932. Gandhi, Mahatma, Young India, 1919-1922. Madras: Tagore and Company, 1922. _____, Young India, 1924-1926. New York: The Viking Press, n. d. Osburn, Arthur, Must England Lose India? New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1935. Graddock, Sir Reginald, The Dilemma in India. London: Constable and Company, Ltd., 1929. Gwynn, I. T . , Indian Politics. London: Nisbet and Company, Ltd., 1924. Hull, William, India’s Political Crisis. Baltimore, Maryland: The John Hopkins Press, 1930. Kendall, Patricia, Come with Me to ^India. New York and,London: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1931. Marriott, John, A.R., The English in India. Oxford, England: The Clarendon Press, 1932. Minney, R. S., India Marches Past. New York: D. Appleton and Company, 1933. Muzumdar, Harbdas, Gandhi Versus the Empire. New York: Universal Publishing Company, 1932. Nicholson, A. P . , Scraps of Paper. India’s Broken Treaties, Her Princes, and the Problem. London: Ernest Benn Limited, 1930. Rutherford, V. H . , Modern India. Its Problems and Their Solutions. London: Labor Publishing Company, 1927. Smith, Vincent, A. , The Oxford History of India. Oxford, London: The Clarendon Press, 1925. . Sunderland, Jabet T., India in Bondage. New York: Lewis Papeland Company, 1929. Thompson, Edward, Reconstructing India. New York: The Dial Press, 1930. Wood, Ernest, An Englishman Defends Mother India. Madras: G-anesh and Company, 1930. Younghusban, Prances, Dawn in India. British.Purpose and Indian Aspiration. Newi York: Frederick A. Stokes Company, 1931. Zacharias, H. C. E., Renascent India. London: George Allen and Unwin Ltd., 1933.