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A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF THE EDUCATIONAL CONCEPTS OF BOOKER T. WASHINGTON AND W. E. BURGHARDT DU BOIS A Thesis Presented to the Faculty of the School of Education The University of Southern California In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Master of Science in Education toy Lillian Frances Duffy June 1940 UMI Number: EP53806 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation UMI EP53806 Published by ProQuest LLC (2014). Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code ProQuest LLC. 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 T h is thesis, w r it t e n u n d e r the d ir e c t io n o f the C h a ir m a n o f the c a n d id a te ’s G u id a n c e C o m m i t tee a n d a p p r o v e d by a l l m em bers o f the C o m m itte e , has been pre se n te d to a n d accep ted by the F a c u l t y o f the S c h o o l o f E d u c a t io n in p a r t i a l f u l f i l l m e n t o f the re q u ire m e n ts f o r the degree o f M a s t e r o f Science in E d u c a tio n . D a te J u n e 8 * 1940 D ean Guidance Com m ittee M. M. Thompson C hairm an C. C. Crawford Irving R. Melbo TABLE OP CONTENTS CHAPTER I. PACE THE PROBLEM AND ITS INVESTIGATION 1 The Problem.......................... 3 Statement of the p r o b l e m ............. Importance of the study........... Investigation. 3 4 ............... 9 Related investigation. . ♦ ........... 9 Scope of investigation ......... 14 Method of procedure................. 14 Organization of remainder of the thesis. II. 15 THE BACKGROUND OP WASHINGTON AND DU BOIS . Contemporary American setting....... 18 18 Biographical sketches of Washington and Du B o i s .......................... 21 Booker T. Washington ................. 21 30 W.E.Burghardt Du Bois............. Origin of their respective concepts. .. 33 III. WASHINGTON AND DU BOIS'S CONCEPTS OP EDUCATION............................ 35' ........... 35 Pragmatic philosophy ................. 35 Washington1s concepts. ... 37 Industrial concepts............... Reaction against academic formalism. . 39 Du Bois*s concepts.................. • • . College concepts.......... 42 Ideal Negro university.............. 44 Reaction against industrial training. I?. . 45 THE INFLUENCE OF .THE CONCEPTS OF WASHINGTON A HD DU BOIS............................... 47 Washington, the active m a n .............. 47 The Tuskegee e x p e r i m e n t ............... 47 The expansion of the Tuskegee experiment 51 Du Bois, the thoughtful man . . . . . . . 52 The organization movement • • • • • • • 52 Shifting opinions • • . • • • • • • • • 55 Contrasting social attitudes............. V. 41 SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION............... . Summary ......... 59 63 63 Conclusion................................ 69 B I B L I O G R A P H Y ..................................... 71 CHAPTER I THE PROBLEM AND ITS INVESTIGATION The history of the Negro in America is one of strife and counter-strife. Kidnapped and brought to these shores three centuries ago, enslaved upon his arrival and kept in bondage from the early seventeenth through the early nine teenth century, the black man was finally liberated into a savage and unfriendly society at the close of a war that all but disrupted the Union. The ensuing pages propose to take up certain portions of this story that begin at the crucial and chaotic Reconstruction. Traditionally, historians have endeavored to attri bute the Civil 'War to the inevitable conflict between the "industrial North" and the "agrarian South". Slavery, or the emancipation of the slaves, was but an incidental issue, according to some. That the sudden liberation of several million untutored blacks created a problem of the first magnitude, a l l .seem agreed. Disagreed seem many, however, an the "humanity” of this black man who had been kept in bondage so long that his keepers persuaded themselves he was, by Divine will, destined for eternal servitude. Any thought of educating him in the sense that education is understood today was foreign to the defenders of the insti tution of slavery of a century ago. Indeed, so great has 2 been the penetration of this insidious doctrine of black inferiority and Negro ineducability that one of the subjects of this study felt constrained so recently as 1935 to write: It would be only fair to the reader to say frankly in advance that the attitude of any person toward this sbory will be distinctly influenced by his theories of the Negro race. If he believes that the Negro in America and in general is an average and ordinary human being, who under given environment develops like other human beings, then he will read this story and judge it by the facts adduced. If, however, he regards the Negro as distinctly inferior creation, who can never suc cessfully take part in modern civilization and whose emancipation and enfranchisement were ges tures against nature, then he will heed something more than the kind of facts I have set down* But this latter person, I am not trying to convince. I am simply pointing out these two points of view, so obvious to Americans, and then without further ado, I am assuming the truth of the first. In fine, I am going to tell this story as though Negroes were ordinary human beings, realizing that this attitude will from the first seriously curtail my audience. 3It is obvious, therefore, that even today opinion is sharply divided as to the capacities and capabilities of black men. This assumption of a fundamental difference be tween the black slave, and later the black freed man, is the basis of many discussions that advocate different edu cational systems for the students of these "different" races Considering that the blacks were not emancipated until 1865, is not entirely an unnatural assumption. lw. (New York: E. Burghardt Du Bois, Black Reconstruction Earcourt, Brace and Company^ 1935) Preface. 3 I. THE PROBLEM Statement of the problem. The purpose of this study was to make a critical analysis of the comparative value of the educational concepts of Booker T. Washington and W. E. Burghardt Du Bois, in regard to Negro education. In other words the purpose of this study was to an swer the following questions: 1. Under what conditions did the concepts of Booker T. Washington and W. E. B. Du Bois originate? 2. What were their concepts of education? 3. What are the essential differences between the concepts of these two men? 4* What are the essential likenesses between the concepts of these two men? 5. What are the political, social and economic implications of the concepts of Washington? 6. To what extent is it possible to evaluate the concepts of Washington? 7. ton taken? 8. Of Du Bois? Of Du Bois? What practical turns has the concept of Washing Of Du Bois? What has been the influence of Washington? Of Du Bois? 9. What place have the concepts of Washington in the American scheme? Of Du Bois? 4 10* To what extent do the concepts of these two men advance the ideals of education? 11* To what extent do the concepts of these two men contribute to the solution of the problem of their people? Of the Nation? Importance of the study* The intelligent observer of race relations in the United States today concedes that the destiny and progress of the country are directly depend ent upon the destiny and progress of all the citizens. Though guaranteed the privileges of citizenship by consti tutional amendment, and to some intent and purpose a eitizen of the United States, no one who knows anything of the set up of the ’’Solid-South” really believes the colored citizens enjoy their constitutional or legal rights of suffrage* Since Reconstruction when white Southerners found the free black man in their midst, at liberty to compete in the same economic order, there has been much animosity between these tv^ro groups of the population. Defensively, the white man avers the Negro is ’’different” and is ’’entitled” to privi leges which are ’’separate but equal”. Defensively, like wise, the Negro charges that whereas he has no difficulty finding the ’’separate”, the ’’equal” is a myth. These charges are especially true of education, which in the South is based upon racially segregated school systems* 5 Flourishing around the close of the nineteenth and early part of the twentieth century was a brilliant Negro educator, Booker T. Washington. So revolutionary were the reforms he effected in an educational experiment at Tuske gee, Alabama, that many of our present day principles of vocational education are said to be off-shoots of his plan. Chiefly, he advocated the “dignity of labor, the gospel of service, and the intellectual, moral, and economic advan tages of an industrial education,” The chief critic of the Washingtonian scheme of things in the early part of the century was that indefatigable Negro scholar, Dr. W. E. Burghardt Du Bois. He represents what is the most articulate utterances against the “industrialism” (for the Negro) of Booker Washington. Socially, he is, os tensibly, opposed to compromise with the “white South”. The importance of this problem promises to have na tional and even international ramifications. The problem of the Negro has always been uppermost among the problems of this country. That he can be educated is the assumption today. The nature of this education is not in every instance clear. Many advocate a different kind of education for mem bers of the colored race. The success of the Washington ex periment at Tuskegee has made an everlasting impression on educators throughout the world. 6 The United States is not alone among world powers with race relations problems. Naturally, any success the United States achieves with its ’’colored citizens" will be watched by such countries as England and Prance with interest. In the face of growing intolerance in the dictator nations, there is definite need for a clarification of the status of minorities throughout the world. true in the democratic nations. This is especially These democratic nations have an opportunity today to study the problems of their minorities at close hand. A contribution to such a problem would be the formal statement of the concepts two members of the same race held about so important an issue as educa tion. The public school system of the United States sub scribes to the opinion that education will advance democ racy; hence the emphasis on Negro education. Many states, and particularly southern states, prac tice discriminatory tactics on their colored citizenry. This alone testifies to the growing need of a reclarifica tion, not only of Negro education, but of education in the South. The wider implications suggest that the problem is in no wise limited to the United States or the colored peoples. 7 Fundamentally, these conflicts are conflicts between ideol ogies which bid fair to transcend the borders of race. In deed, any practical solution would be a worthwhile contribu tion to the economic and social progress of the nation. If one were to consider that literally the Negro has been uprooted from his native African soil and superimposed on a native American background, which in the course of gen erations, has come to be synonymous with his "home11, one would have little difficulty in understanding what is too often regarded as the paradoxical part of the Negro: apparent inability to cooperate for his own good. the "differences11 which white propagandists2 his Thus, have consciously, or unconsciously, spread has come to be part and parcel of the ideologies of many Negroes. Accepting this so-called "inferiority" status, this type of Negro has been content to remain docile and to receive the benefits of the white man's paternalism, which, in many cases, continues as long as he is " a good boy". This is not to say that Mr. Wash ington accepted the idea that God designed the black man for a traditionally "inferior" place. What students of Washing- ton have apparently overlooked is that the far-sighted re former was a firm believer in progressivism. The fact re mains, however, that at Tuskegee and in his many public ut terances, Washington commended the Negroes to an artisan's ^Cf. S. S. Richards, A Study of Materials Dealing with Race Educational Problems (Los Angeles: U. S. C. Department of Education, 1931). 8 life. This factor, together with his so-called compromise with the white South, raised him to a prominence which no man of color had attained before him. Following his death, a new group of Negro thinkers appeared upon the scene. Con trary to the opinion of some, this group was not actually new, for as early as 1903^ a Negro organization was started. The purpose of this group was to direct the attention of the liberal forces in the nation, and particularly in the Negro race, to fla recognition of the principles of human brotherhood.11 Chief among the agitators in this movement during the years 1905, 1907 and later was W. E. Burghardt Du Bois. From the beginning, Du Bois took exceptions to the doc trines of Booker Washington. In tracing the respective philosophies of these two talented Negroes, we shall have occasion to view some of the workings of the so-called ”Negro-mindt! at close quarters. That two minds so singularly gifted should apparently be so diametrically opposed will certainly lend interest to the study. 3b . G. Brawley, The Negro Genius (Chapel Hill, N. C . : The University of N. C. tress, 1936) pp. 191-2. 9 II. IINVESTIGATIONS Related investigations. It is significant that the investigations most nearly related to the present one are concerned with but one side of this dual question. That is to say, in so far as the present researcher has been able to discover, there are no studies that attempt a comparison of the educational concepts of two Negro commentators on the subject. What studies that have been discovered in this in stance may discuss, in toto or in part, the concepts of Washington; or, the studies may attack the broader problem of the relationship between Negro education (in such cases as there exists racially segregated educational systems) and the education of the white majority, generally. The reasons for the lack of closely related investi gations will not be treated in detail here. A probable reason is suggested by the relative scarcity of trained and interested Negro scholars on the one hand; and on the other, the difficulty of a full and complete appraisal of the work and influence of Dr. Du Bois, who, of course, is still alive and productive. The following four studies have been selected from a long list of similar ones. Their pertinence will become clear with a brief resume of the contents: 10 Bower, May, The Contributions of Booker T. Washington Education (Los Angeles: The ^University of Southern California i)epartment of Education, 1922). The title is a succinct statement of the problem. The author asserts that Washington* s ’’pragmatic philosophy” led him to emphasize the dignity of labor, the gospel of serv ice, and the intellectual, moral and economic advantages of an industrial education. While acknowledging that the in fluences of Washington have gone far afield from their origi nal objectives (the Negro race), the author pays unstinted tribute to Washington and offers documentary evidence that his industrial system presaged important vocational concepts of this day. Throughout, the viewpoint of this author is that Washington and his whole doctrine were but incidentally asso ciated with the colored race. In fine, the opinion quite logically points towards Washington*s essential greatness as an American. Eason, Newell D., The Negro in American Industry (Los Angdes; The Universityof Southern California Department of Economics, 1932). This study is an exceptionally able, though brief, treatment of the Negro*s relation to American industry. Cit ing the hostility of white laborers and the ”jim crow” poli tics of trade unions on the one hand, and the enforced inef ficiency of the Negro on the other, the author contends the 11 Negrofs problem is one of becoming "normally” distributed* Three activities recommended by the writer, in this connec tion, are: (1) Establishment of new plant policy by indus trial concerns; (2) Industrial education for the negro; (3) Labor cooperation and organization. Thus, in a measure, this author advocates a modified form of the Booker Washington idea. Horne, Frank R ., The Present Status of Negro Educa tion in Certain of the Southern States, Particularly GeorgTa fLos AngpLes: The University of Southern California Department of Education, 1932). Of all the theses examined by the present investiga tor, this one is the most scholarly and the most thorough. It finds a place in the bibliography of Dr. Du Bois!s book, Black Reconstruction. That the author is attached to the Fort Valley (Georgia) Normal and Industrial Institute (an experiment not entirely dissimilar to the earlier one at Tuskegee) has evidently been of minimum influence in his views, for in general style, analysis, and point of view, the author shows signs of intercourse with the newer school of Negro writers who have courageously allied themselves with "the proletariat”. The survey of this author is on a background that has taken ample cognizance of the tradition of Negro inferiority; Negro incompetence in political and economic affairs and the fear of Negro domination. Opposed to these hollow claims 12 are what the author considers "bitter opposition consequent to the rise into power of the traditionally non-slave holding poor white class." This, avers Mr. Horne, is accompanied by a heightened "conflict and bitter opposition to the develop ment of Negro education or of his political or economic oppor tunities. " Southern states do provide, uniformly, inadequate edu cational facilities for the Negro citizenry. This "de-emphasis", or better, "un-emphasis", of Negro education has led to a no toriously inefficient colored product. That southern states with the largest Negro populations are usually ranked lowest in national educational scales is directly attributable to this refusal to allow the colored citizens an equitable portion of the educational facilities available. To offset the short comings of state and county, even federal agencies, in some instances, private philanthropic organizations have made not able contributions. Some hope is seen in the South itself. Organizations like the Inter-racial Commission, products of the South itself, are held to be signs of enlightenment: of a new, advanced day for Negro education. The conclusion of this study represents that curious anomaly the white Southerner sees clearly enough, but on which he does not act. Clearly the destiny of the South and the nation are inextricably intertwined with the destiny of the humblest black citizen. 13 Richards, Eugene S . , A Study of Materials Dealing with the Race Educational Problems, (Lo s Angeles: The University of Southern California Department of Educa tion, 1931). In the critical bibliography appended to the Horne treatise, this work is described as "adverse to the Negro". Though there is the chance of ambiguity in that author’s meaning, it becomes clear on a careful reading of Mr. Richards1 thesis that he was interested primarily in an objective, impar tial presentation of the facts about the textbooks most fre quently employed by teachers of Social Sciences and related subjects in the nation’s schools. After examining such texts and counting the mentions of the word "Negro" as source and as reference, Mr. Richards proposes to divide the books into three classes, which, roughly are as follows: (1) Those in which the author is sympathetic in his treatment of the Negro; (2)Those in which the author makes "sweeping" statements (after a generally unscientific approach); (3) Those in which the "traditional" interpretation is given of the Negro (this is intensely subjective as a rule and about as unscientific in method as the group referred to in the second statement). Mr. Richards, himself an example of the scientific investigator at work, recommends a higher objectivity as the aim of future chroniclers of sections relative to Negroes. 14 It can be concluded that whereas the concepts of Wash ington have profoundly affected American educational thought, the reaction which has naturally followed him and his period is becoming increasingly articulate. The reaction is justi fiable on account of gross inequalities forced upon colored citizens: inequalities, it should be added, which retard the A forv/ard march of this state. Scope of the investigation. The primary purpose of this thesis is to ascertain and to evaluate the educational concepts of Booker T. Washington and W. E. Burgharat Du Bois by comparative analysis. In no way does the study propose to be an exhaustive treatment of this topic, except from the view point of formal education. Any discussion of the Race problem or its implications is purely incidental to the topic specified above, III. THE METHOD OP PROCEDURE The primary sources used in this study were the books, magazine articles, and speeches of Vifashington and Du Bois. The secondary sources were books, magazine articles, etc. by their contemporaries. Some works of a general nature on edu cation and the Hegro are included. Throughout, the procedure consists largely of quoting passages from the respective writers to illustrate their atti tudes relative to certain situations. 15 In order to more fully portray the educational phi losophy of these two outstanding Negro educators, the writer in December 1939 made a personal visit to Tuskegee Institute and Atlanta University. At Tuskegee a relative and friend of the late Booker T. Washington were interviewed, as well as the president of Tuskegee, Dr. Frederick D. Patterson. At Atlanta University where Du Bois is teaching, the writer attended his classes, interviewed him, and was permitted to read two of his unpublished manuscripts, Seven Critiques of Negro Education, and his autobiography, Dusk of D a w n , which will be published in the fall of 1940. IV. ORGANIZATION OF' 'THE 'THESIS The general plan for this thesis will follow the page of contents outlined. Since an Idea of the outline of the five chapters has been included, it can be stated here that a resume of the chapters will include the following: Chapter I. The material included here: A succinct state ment of the problem and its investigation. II. The background of Washington and Du B&is: This section will view briefly the periof of Slavery, Reconstruction, and early twentieth 16 and late nineteenth century America. Bio graphical sketches of the two men and the origin of their concepts are stated. III. The educational concepts of Washington and Du Bois: This is really the heart of the thesis, though comparison is limited. IV. The influence of Washington and Du Bois: Ex tended comparison, emphasizing how their con cepts affected educational institutions, organi zations, and hegro education in general. V. Summary and Conclusions: The points established in the body of the thesis are brought together and restated. Chapter Summary. Conclusions are drawn and stated. The'spirit of intolerance in_the "'world today calls for a clarification of the status of minor^ \ ities. Since the public school system of the United States subscribes to the opinion that education is the foundation of democracy, the education of all groups, including the Uegro group, is a vital issue. Hegro can assimilate education. It is assumed today that the The nature of this education \ is not always clear, as some advocate a different type of ''v' V instruction for this minority group. The educational philosophy 17 of Washington and D-u Bois give us the viewpoint of two men whose ideas were diametrically opposed. CHAPTER II THE BACKGROUND OF WASHINGTON AND DU BOIS The section of the country in which one is born, the early impressions, the cultural background, and the spirit of the age in which one lives, deeply affect every individual. The profound influence of these factors are seen in the lives and consequently in the educational philosophy of Washington and Du Bois. I. THE CONTEMPORARY AMERICAN SETTING Booker T. Washington was born shortly before the Civil War; Du Bois shortly after its close. The years that followed the Civil War offered many parallels in the years that followed the World War.l The South had hoped to establish an Independent state where the slave system would be absolutely protected politically and economically. The North was determined not to surrender a part of Its territory which was a market for its manufactured and agricultural products, as well as the source of tobacco, sugar and cotton. The real tragedy of the Reconstruction was the failure of the American mind to regard it as a major national problem. lj. G. Randall, The Civil War and Reconstruction (New York: D. C. Heath & Co., 1 9 3 7 T , p. 6 8 9 . 19 Pew realized that the Reconstruction meant transition from slavery to free labor, a social upheaval comparable with the French and Russian Revolutions*2 Evidently some people expected this upheaval to be settled easily. The abolition of slavery was attempted by legislative action. Slavery was not abolished. The people that had been in power in the South did not believe in its real abolishment. problem faced them. Cotton was still their king. An economic They had no intention of quietly sur rendering the right to live on the labor of black folk after years of exploitation. They did not want free black labor. A series of Negro codes were passed by the South. They were so drastic that the North, to protect the Negro, proposed the Freedman1s Bureau. The North planned to finance the bureau by confiscat ing the property of the former slaveholders. When it was discovered this was illegal, the North was very much perturbed. The expense began to mount. The country became worried when the experiment with democracy proved more expensive than it had anticipated. E. B. Du Bois, Black Reconstruction, (New York: Harcourt, Brace and Co., 1935), p. 708. 20 The North realized that the abolition of slavery could not be left to the white South. It could not be abolished by the North without time and money. So the North decided to put the responsibility on the Negro. Du Bois points out that: What the nation had before it was not the nice academic question as to whether it would be better to have as voters men of intelligence or men of ignorance, whether it would be better to throw into the electorate of a great modern country a mass of slaves or a mass of college graduates--no such question was before the country . . . .3 The only way to make slavery in fact, or inference forever impossible, was to put the ballot in the hands of the Negro. This truth Thaddeus Stephens saw when he forced Negro suffrage on the South. The Negroes began the abolition of slavery in fact in stead of theory. They established free schools and passed many laws under which the white South is content to live today. Du Bois feels that if the Negro had been protected in his legal rights by the government, he would have been eventually able to protect himself. The North wavered. South was determined to prevent. Such a situation the The forcible overthrow of democratic government followed from 1872 to 1876 in the South. The black peasantry of the South was almost completely dis franchised and forced into serfdom. E. B. Du Bois, The Negro in the South (Philadelphia: George W. Jacobs and Co., 19077, p. 88. 21 Against this type of background the lives of these two educators were etched* II. BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES OP WASHINGTON AND DU BOIS Booker Taliferro Washington. The life of Washington began in desolate and miserable surroundings. slave in Franklin County, Virginia. He was born a The exact date of his birth is unknown, but it is thought to be 1858 or 1859. His father was a white man who lived on a nearby plantation. His mother was a plantation cook. During his childhood as a slave little Booker slept on a bundle of dirty rags on a dirt floor. His days were oc cupied in cleaning the yard, carrying water to men in the fields, and going to the mill weekly to take the corn to be ground. In Virginia it was common to use flax for a part of the clothing of slaves. This clothing was made from refuse. During Booker’s childhood he wore but a single garment, a flax shirt. When the shirt was new, it was so rough that it felt like a hundred pin points in contact with his flesh. All of his life he could accurately recall the tortures he underwent in putting on one of these garments. 22 After freedom was declared, Washington went with his mother to Malden, West Virginia, which is about five miles from Charleston, Here he worked in the salt mines, often starting at four a.m. His new home was in the midst of a clus ter of cabins crowded closely together, with no sanitary regu lations. Soon after the family settled in West Virginia, Booker induced his mother to get a book for him. She secured Webster*s spelling book. In the young colored boy who had learned to read in Ohio came to Malden. As soon as it ed by midst of Booker*s struggle for an education, a was found out this boy could read, he was surround a large group who were anxious to hear him read the news contained in the papers. About this time the opening of school for colored chil dren in the village was being discussed by members of the Negro race. The most perplexing question was where to find a teacher* The boy from Ohio was considered too young. About this time another young man from Ohio came to Malden, and he was engaged to teach. Each family agreed to pay a certain amount per month, with the understanding that the teacher would spend a day with each family. Each family tried to provide the very best, the day the teacher was to be the guest. As fast as teachers could be secured, the day and night schools were filled. Even after a school for Negroes opened 23 in Kanawha Valley, Bookerfs stepfather decided that Booker r must continue to work. Finally, he persuaded his stepfather to permit him to go to school during the day, with the under standing that he was to get up early and work to nine a.m. and return after school to continue to do his work. The period he was permitted to attend school during the day was short. He was forced to stop and devote his days to work. He then studied at night, but it was difficult to secure a satisfactory teacher as the teachers often knew very little. After working in the salt mine for some time, work was secured for Booker in a coal mine. One day while working in the coal mine, he happened to hear two miners talking about a school for colored people somewhere in Virginia. They told about opportunities for poor, but worthy, students who could work out all or part of the cost of their board, and at the same time be taught some trade or industry. his mind to attend this school. Booker made up The ambition to attend Hampton Institute dominated his life. A' vacant position occurred in the household of General Ruffner, the owner of the salt-furnace and coal mine. Mrs. Ruffner, who was from Vermont, had a reputation of being strict with her servants, especially the boys. Booker for five dollars a month. lessons in her employ. She hired He learned many valuable She required everything to be done 24 promptly and systematically. Nothing must be slip-shod. Every door, every fence must be kept in repair. Even to this day I never see bits of paper scattered around a house or in the street that I do not want to pick them up at once. I never see a filthy yard that I do not want to clean it, a paling off a fence that I do not want to put it on, an unpainted or unwhitewashed house, that I do not want to paint or whitewash it or a button off one’s clothes, or a grease spot on them or on the floor, that I do not want to call attention to it. During the one or two winters that Booker was with Mrs. Ruffner she gave him an opportunity to go to school for an hour a day. tute. He did not give up the idea of going to Hampton Insti In the fall of 1872 he made a determined effort to get there. Finally the great day came and Washington started to Hampton. The distance from Malden is about five hundred miles. Trains ran only a portion of the way and the remainder of the distance was traveled by stage coach. By walking and begging rides in wagons, after a number of days he reached the city of Richmond, Virginia, about eighty-two miles from Hampton. walked the streets until after midnight. He In a state of exhaus tion he came to a portion of the street where the board side walk was considerably elevated. Booker crept under the side walk and lay on the ground for the remainder of the night. As soon as it was light enough for him to see his sur roundings, he noticed he was near a large ship that was ^Booker Washington, U jd From Slavery (Doubleday, Page and Co., 1901), p. 44. 25 unloading pig iron. He went to the captain of the vessel and asked him to let him help unload the ship. In this way he was able to earn enough for his breakfast. The captain was pleased with his work, so he continued to work for several days in order to get enough money to get to Hampton. When he reached Hampton, he had exactly fifty cents. When he saw the three-story building, he thought it the largest and most beautiful edifice he had ever seen. sented himself at the school to the head-teacher • time he was kept waiting. admitted. For some In the meantime other students were After a long time she told him to take the broom and sweep the recitation room. Washington swept the room three times and dusted it four times. fully. He pre She inspected the room care When she was unable to find one bit of dirt on the floor or a particle of dust anywhere, she remarked that she supposed Washington could enter the institution. Miss Mary F. Mackie, the head-teacher, offered Washing ton the job as janitor. The work was hard and exacting but Washington persevered. One of the people that made a lasting impression on Washington was General Armstrong. One might have removed from Hampton all the buildings, classrooms, teachers, and industries, and given the men and women their opportunity to come in daily contact with General Armstrong, and that would alone have been a liberal education.5 5Ibid., p. 55. 26 Life at Hampton was' a revelation to Washington, Having meals at regular hours, eating on a tablecloth, using a napkin, the use of the bathtub and the toothbrush as well as sheets on the bed were all new to him. to him. first night he slept on top of both of them. The watching the The sheets were quite a puzzle By other boys he caught on to the correct procedure. The education he received from textbooks was only a small part of what Washington learned at Hampton Institute. One of the things that impressed Washington was the unselfishness of the teachers. White teachers from the North devoted their en tire life to the uplift of the students. ^ Miss Natalie Lord, from Portland, Maine, taught him to use and love the Bible. She taught him to appreciate its spiritual help as well as its literature. She also gave him private lessons in public speaking, teaching him breathing, enunciation, and emphasis. had adesire to do something then be From early childhood Washington to make the world better, and able to speak to the world about it. Washington com ment s : . . . for the first time, I learned what education was expected to do for an individual. Before going there I had a good deal of the then rather prevalent idea . . . that to secure an education meant to have a good easy time, free from all necessity of manual labor. At Hampton I not only learned that it was not a disgrace to labor, but I learned to love labor, not alone for its financial value, but for laborfs own sake and 27 for the independence of self-reliance which the ability to do something the world wants done brings. At that institution X got my first taste of what it meant to live a life of unselfishness, my first knowledge of the fact that the happiest individuals are those who do the most to make others useful and happy.6 Washington graduated from Hampton in 1875. During the summer he worked as a waiter in a hotel in Connecticut. At the close of the hotel season he returned to Malden and was elected to teach the colored school there. He began his work at eight o !clock in the morning and often it did not end until ten at night. In addition to the usual routine of teaching, he taught them to comb their hair, take a bath, and use the toothbrush. the day. At night he taught about as many as he did during The year 1877 which was his second at Malden, he spent very much as he did the first. In the summer of 1879 General Armstrong asked Washing ton to return to Hampton, partly as a teacher and partly to pursue further study. About this time the experiment of educating the Indians was being tried for the first time by General Armstrong at Hampton. Few people had any confidence in the ability of Indians to profit by education. He secured from the reservation over one hundred wild and ignorant Indians. 6Ibid., p. 73. 28 Washington was to be a sort of ”house father” to them. He was to live in the same building with them and have charge of their discipline, clothing, rooms, etc. At the end of his first year with the Indians there came another opening for Washington at Hampton. A number of young colored people wished to get an education but could not afford to attend school. General Armstrong conceived the idea of starting a night school in connection with Hampton Insti tute. A limited number of young people were to work for ten hours during the day, and attend school for two hours at night. General Armstrong asked Washington to take charge of the night school. During the time Washington had charge of the Indians and night school at Hampton, he studied under Rev. Dr. H. B. l>issell. In May, 1881, General Armstrong received a letter from George W. Campbell, a white ex-slave holder, and Lewis Adams, a Negro ex-slave, asking him to recommend someone to take charge of what was to be a normal school for colored people in Tuskegee. Tuskegee was a village of two thousand people, about one- half of them colored. Before going to Tuskegee he had expected to find a building in which to teach. The state legislature had granted $2000 for the payment of salaries, but-had made no provision for securing land or buildings. to find a place to open the school. His first task was 29 Washington reached Tuskegee early in June of 1881, The first month he spent in traveling through Alabama, study ing the actual life of the people, especially in the rural districts, and getting the school advertised among the people he hoped would attend it. a mule and a cart. Most of his traveling was done with He ate and slept with the people in their cabins. ^ On July 4, 1881, the school opened in the little shanty and church which had been secured for its accommodation. Thirty pupils reported the first day of school. Most of them were public school teachers. During the summer of 1882 Washington was married to Miss Fannie N. Smith, of Malden, West Virginia. She died in 1884 leaving one child, Portia, who is at present living at Tuskegee. When death came to Booker T. Washington in 1915, it ended a very useful career. cemetery at Tuskegee. He was buried in the chapel Two tall, pointed evergreen trees stand like sentinels on either side of his tombstone. Booker Washington was a tireless worker. He wrote over a dozen books, many periodicals, and gave many speeches. The story of his life is told in TJjd From Slavery. later book, His Larger Education, is a sequel to the former. It answers many of the questions Washington was frequently asked as to how he worked out the educational methods used at Tuskegee. 30 William Edward Burghardt Du Bois. Prom 1868 to 1940 stretch seventy-two years--the years of the life so far of Du Bois, who was born February 23, 1868, in &reat Barrington, Massachusetts, In 1868 the Civil War had just ended three years previously. It was that year that the freedmen of the South were enfranchised. Two groups of laborers— freed slaves and poor whites--dominated the former slave states, in an extraordinary experiment in democracy. The colored population in Great Barrington was small. The color'line was manifest, but not sharply drawn. family were among the oldest inhabitants. Du Bois’s Mary Burghardt, his mother, was born there January 14, 1831. Du Bois attended school regularly from the age of five or six until he graduated from high school at sixteen. His early contact with playmates and other human beings was normal and pleasant. The Hew England influence is shown by the follow ing comment of Du Bois. In general thought and conduct I became quite thoroughly New England. It was not good form in ‘Great Barrington to express one's thought volubly, or give way to ex cessive emotion. We were even sparing in our daily greetings.' ?W. E. B. Du Bois, Dusk of D a w n , p. 30. 31 He attended Fisk University, Nashville, Tennessee, re ceiving the degree of Bachelor of Arts in 1888, the same degree at Harvard in 1890 and that of Master of Arts at Harvard in 1891. Du Bois then studied at the University of Berlin. He received his Doctor of Philosophy at Harvard in 1895, his thesis being The Suppression of the African Slave Trade to the United States of America. Dr. Du Bois taught for a while at Wilberforce University, Wilberforce, Ohio. He then accepted a position as an assistant and fellow in sociology at the Univer sity of Pennsylvania, producing in 1899 his study, The Philadel phia Negro. In 1896 he became professor of history and economics at the old Atlanta University. For a number of years he was the moving spirit of the Atlanta Conference. He edited a number of studies about Negroes which made him one of the important sociologists of the day. In 1910 Du Bois went to New York City as director of publicity and research for the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People. Fo£ twenty-four years he was editor of The Crisis, the official organ of the NAACP. In those years he was the main factor in revolutionizing the attitude of the American Negro toward caste. In describing his break with the NAACP, Du Bois says, 32 By 1930, I had become convinced that the basic policies and ideals of the Association must be modified and changed; that in a world where economic dislocation had become so great as ours, a mere appeal based on the old liber alism, a mere appeal to justice and further effort of legal decision, was missing the es sential need . . • In 1934 Du Bois returned to Atlanta University to assist in placing it on a graduate basis, 'Today Atlanta University does only graduate work. Dr, Du Bois is the author of The Souls of Black Folk, written thirty-seven years ago. He describes it as a cry „— at midnight thick within the veil, when none knew rightly the coming day. Darkwater, now twenty years old was a mili tant challenge, defiant with a dogged hope. Dusk of Dawn, which is scheduled to be published in the fall of 1940, he describes as recording dimly but consciously the coming day which one feels in the early morning even when mist and murk hang low. ^ He combines the temper of the scholar and the roman- — ticism of the Negro race.9 For more than three decades he has striven to interpret the desires and aspirations of his people. He has compiled seven speeches made at Hampton, Fisk, and Howard. Universities into one volume, as yet unpublished, entitled Seven Critiques of Negro Education. These seven 8Ibid. SBgnjamin Brawley, The Negro Genius (New York: Mead & Co., 1937), p. 202. Dodd. 33 speeches are the best source of Du Bois1s concepts of Negro education, III. THE ORIGIN OF THEIR RESPECTIVE CONCEPTS Washington1s concepts. Washington1s philosophy of education was largely molded by Hampton Institute. There he learned to regard labor as something dignified, something that gave independence and self-reliance. The unselfishness of the teachers in general, and General Armstrong in particu lar, impressed upon him the ideal of service for others. He was convinced that education and useful work were inseparable. This view he carried to Tuskegee. Pu Bois1s concepts. Du Bois*s concepts were influenced by his New England background, and his college training in this country and abroad. He was Vtfashington1s severest critic in regard to the larger implications, and the limitations of industrial training. Chapter summary. Booker Washington was born a slave on a plantation in Virginia, of the Civil War* shortly before the beginning He worked long hours from his earliest childhood and lived in abject poverty. To obtain money to at tend Hampton Institute, he entered the employ of Mrs. Ruffner, a former New Englander. Her high standards of neatness, precision, 34 promptness, and thoroughness duly impressed Washington. Later, the thorough manner in which he cleaned the recitation room at Hampton, gained him admittance. In 1881, at the request of an Alabama ex-slave and ex-slave owner, he founded Tuskegee. Du Bois was born in Massachusetts in 1868. His child- hood was similar to that of the average New England boy. In 1884 he made his first trip to the South, when he entered Fisk University, For twenty-four years he was connected with the NAACP, serving as editor of The Crisis, its official organ. &e resigned in 1934 and resumed his teaching at Atlanta Uni versity where he is located today. Considering the background of Du Bois and Washington, perhaps it is not surprising that their ideas concerning Negro education are in such direct antithesis. ^ CHAPTER III THE EDUCATIONAL CONCEPTS OP WASHINGTON AND DU BOIS The world has constantly been faced with many grave / problems--war, starvation, unemployment, etc. plight is particularly precarious. The Negro*1s He not only faces every problem that confronts' other groups, but the additional ^problem of caste. Because of this overwhelming burden, the Negro*s education becomes an increasingly important issue. Among the many Negro educators who have attempted to formu late and evaluate an educational program, Washington and Du Bois are the most outstanding. I. Washington*s Concepts The deep influence of Hampton, the keen analysis of the basic needs of the people he sought to serve, and his reaction against the academic formalism of his day, each played its role in crystallizing Washington*s philosophy. Pragmatic philosophy. Washington* s pragmatic phi losophy dominated his educational views. When he first arrived in Tuskegee in 1881, he made personal contacts with the people of that vicinity, so as to be conversant with the pressing needs of that community. A few years later there appeared in the Atlantic Monthly an article in which Washington analyzed the needs of the Negro in the South. 36 He observed that the masses lived on plantations; their basic needs were "food, clothing, shelter, education, proper habits, and a settlement of race relations". Washington habitually dealt with concrete objectives. He sought to make Tuskegee of practical value to his own racial group and to the South as v/ell. A careful study showed that the undeveloped material resources of the South offered great opportunities for the person skilled along agricultural and industrial lines. The curriculum of Tuskegee was set up to train Negroes to be able to grasp the opportunities of their community. On this point Wash ington wrote: . . . the best education is that which fits one to do in the best manner the things that are open to him in the community in which he is to reside.1 — - The Tuskegee founder believed that the best way to educate, was to adhere to the common and familiar things that concern the greater part of the people, the greater part of the time. The way to make education worthwhile was to teach the things that everyone needed to know. enlisted the cooperation of the community by trying to teach what the community wanted. IB. T. Washington, "The Salvation of the Negro," WorldTs Work, 2:964, July, 1901. He 37 One of the influences of education is to increase the wants of an individual, A critical period in that person*s affairs arises when education does not increase his ability to supply these wants. Washington believed that industrial education would develop this ability. Industrial concepts. Washington*s idea of indus trial training was to give the Negro an opportunity to start his new life in a natural and logical way, instead of beginning life in an artificial atmosphere without any real foundation. One of the many hurtful influences of slavery was the attitude the institution created in regard to labor. Manual labor was thought of as .undignified, disgraceful, and degrading by both whites and Negroes. The slave system discouraged the use of labor-saving machines because some Intelligence to operate them was required. Slavery and intelligence were never on friendly terms. The plantation owner was regarded as belonging to the highest social class. He did little labor with his hands. 'Those who ¥/ere held in subjection felt that labor was a badge of degradation. The Negro felt that the less work he did, the more nearly he would be like the privileged class. The slave looked forward to freedom as being that period when he would no longer be compelled to work with his hands. of manual labor, Washington says: In speaking 38 One of the first lessons to be taught the Negro when he became free was that labor with the hands or the head, so far from being something to be dreaded • . • was something dignified and something that should be sought, loved, and appreciated. Here began the function of the industrial school for the education of Negroes.^ In attempting to clarify some of the misconceptions concerning industrial education Washington points out that some people were under the impression that industrial training was designed to make the Negro work much as he had done during slavery. the great educatorfs idea. This conception was far from The Negro was not to toil ig norantly and blindly as he had under the slave regime, but to learn how to work efficiently and intelligently. He was to be taught how to understand the forces of nature and to use them to the best advantage. Industrial train ing was to serve as a bridge--a means of transition from a feudal setup to that of a free wage earner. Another misconception was that such training was class education. On this point Washington comments: If the idea becomes fixed in the minds of people that industrial education means class education, that it should be offered the Negro because he is a Negro, and that the Negro should be confined to this sort of education, then I fear serious injury will be done the cause of hand-training.3 ^B. T. Washington, Tuskegee and Its People (New York: D. Appleton & Co., 1907), Preface. 5lbid., p . 8. 39 The idea that hand training was opposed to the Hegro*s higher mental development is refuted in these words: A mastery of the industries taught at Tuskegee presupposes and requires no small degree of academic study, for competency in agricultural calls for considerable knowl edge of chemistry, and no mechanical pur suit can be followed satisfactorily without some acquaintance with mathematics and the three R fs .4 The pragmatic and industrial concepts of Washington were aligned against the academic formalism which was prev alent in education at this time. Reaction against academic formalism. Washington contends that education which really educates is not the mere committing to memory of something that is known before us. We must be taught to solve problems of our own, and not problems and puzzles someone else has originated for us. The fault of the college lies in the fact that students never face unsolved problems. they do not know men. They may know books, but ’ There is no education one can get from books that is equal to that which can be secured from contacts with great men and women. Instead of studying books so constantly, Washington said the schools could profit by the study of men and things. Connected with education is the erroneous idea that, because a man has passed through certain educational forms, 4Ibid., p. 12. 40 he has somehow become a sort of superior being set apart from the rest of the world--a member of the ”Talented Tenth” or some other ill-defined and exclusive caste. The days of an idle class of people is coming to a close. The Tuskegee founder asserts: . . . a school that is content with merely turning out ladies and gentlemen who are not at the same time something else--who are not lawyers, doctors, busi ness men, bankers, carpenters, farmers, teachers, not even housewives, but merely ladies and gentlemen--such a school is bound, in my estimation, to be a failure. There is no room in this country, and never has been, for the class of people who are merely gentlemen, . . . . The time is coming when there will be no room in any country for the class of people who are merely gentlemen--for people in other words, who are not fitted to perform some definite service for the community in which they live.5 In his book, Character Building, Washington com ments that education in its broadest and truest sense will make an individual seek to help all people regardless of race or condition. The person who is the most truly edu cated is the one who is going to be kindest, the most con siderate and is going to act in the gentlest manner toward the race or individual that is most despised. The highest test of the civilization of any group is measured by its willingness to extend a helping hand. A race, like an §B. T. Washington, My Larger Education (Hew York: Doubleday, Page & Co., 191TJ, p. 300. 41 individual, lifts up itself toy lifting others. It does not require intelligence to erush out or try to retard the aspira tions of a people, tout a profound statesmanship is shown in guiding and stimulating people to develop to their greatest capacity. As to the form of education in the South, we .of both races have grown to the point where practically all are united in the opinion that just now industrial education coupled with thorough religious and academic training, with out circumscribing the ambition and inclination of those who have means to secure what is re garded as a higher education, is now most needed. This industrial training will teach the Negro thrift, economy, the dignity of labor, and will soonest enable him to become an intelligent pro ducer in the highest sphere of life--a property holder, a larger tax-payer, a greater commercial factor, will enable him to knit himself in the business life of the South.6 Washington* s philosophy is characterized by his prag matic and industrial concepts, Du Bois advocates higher learning. II. DU BOIS1S CONCEPTS The educational concepts of Du Bois are best analyzed from various commencement speeches given by him at intervals from 1906 to 1938. The author has compiled these addresses, with the addition of other pertinent comments, into a single volume of educational philosophy, entitled, Seven Critiques of Negro Education. ®B. T. Washington, "Educational Possibilities,11 The Arena, 21:458, April, 1899. 42 After the scheduled fall publication of Du Bois*s autobio graphy, Dusk of D a w n , this educational volume will doubt less receive serious consideration from the publishers. In the introduction Du Bois says: These speeches are snapshots of my mental state over a period of thirty-two years. They vary from the narrowness of intense conviction to the vagueness of doctrines that attempt universality. They tell from one point of view what the Negro has thought of that edu cation which was designed to fit him as a citizen of a modern democracy. Seven times in the last thirty odd years Du Bois has criticized and evaluated the education of the American Negro. His college concepts, his vision of an ideal uni- \ t, versity, and his reaction to industrial training make a worthwhile study. College concepts. Du Bois unceasingly drives home that the complexity of our modern civilization makes the higher training of Negroes imperative. The group must have leaders who understand the great forces of the age and where civilization is tending. The first step in lifting the submerged masses, he contends, is through the higher training of the talented few. Education must necessarily be’gin at the top and filter down. wrote in the Atlantic Monthly: As early as 1902 Du Bois 43 Progress in human affairs is more often a pull than a push, a surging forward of the exceptional man, and the lifting of his duller brethern slowly and painfully to his vantage ground. Thus it was no accident that gave birth to the universities centuries before the common schools, that made fair Harvard the first flower of our wilderness.^ Black leaders must have a broad education so that they will be able to apply the general principles of knowl edge to the particular circumstances of the condition of the group. The rationally arranged college course for men and women able to pursue it, is the best method of putting into the nation Negroes with ability to use the social forces of their group to "stamp out crime, strengthen the home, eliminate degenerates, and inspire . . . the higher tendencies of the race not only in thought and aspirations but in every-day toil."^ The chief thing that distinguishes the American Negro group from other Negro groups in the West Indies, South America, and Africa, is the "number of men that have been trained in modern education, able to cope with the white world on its own ground and its own thought, method and language.1,9 ?W. E. B. Du Bois, "Of the Training of Black Men," Atlantic Monthly, 90:292, September, 1902. 9_______ , "Training the Negro for Social Power," The Outlook, 75:413, October 17, 1903. 9_______ , Seven Critiques of Negro Education, Unpublished. 44 The Negro university, guided by the right philosophy and properly equipped is the pivotal point around which Negro education revolves. The ideal Negro university. The curriculum of a Negro university should be based on the Negro’s problems. The life problem of the American Negro is caste. Inter woven with the major problem of caste are such issues as unemployment, segregation, persecution, discrimination, de featism, humiliation, and insult, inferiority complex, etc. Although it is essential for a Negro university to begin with the study of the Negro, Du Bois warns: On the other hand, it would be of course idiotic to say . . . that as far as most black men are concerned'education must stop with this. No, starting with present con ditions and using the facts and the knowledge of the present situation of American Negroes, the Negro university expands toward the pos session and the conquest of all knowledge. It seeks from a beginning of a history of the Negro in America and Africa to interpret all history; from a beginning of social develop ment among Negro slaves and freedmen in America and Negro tribes and kingdoms in Africa, to interpret and understand the social development of all mankind in all ages. It seeks to reach modern science of matter and life from the surroundings and habits and ap titudes of American Negroes and thus lead up to understanding of life and matter in the universe. It is a matter of beginnings and integrations of one group which sweep in stinctive knowledge and inheritance and cur rent reactions into a universal world of sci ence, sociology, and art. In no other way can the American Negro college function. It 45 cannot begin with history and lead to Negro history. It cannot start with sociology and end with Negro sociology,10 A great Negro university must begin with the particu lar and go to the universal. Then the universal concepts must be brought to apply to the individual life and the in dividual conditions of living Negroes. masses, Rooted deep in the such a university must become not simply a center of knowledge, but a center of applied knowledge and a guide for action as well. The aim of a Negro university should be to produce leaders who know themselves and the real condition of their group. The big problem is to consciously and scientifically guide the future of the Negro so as to insure his physical survival and social growth. Against the Washingtonian idea of industrial train ing for Negroes, Du Bois continually directed sharp and scathing criticism. Reaction against induBtrial training. Du Bois criti cized the "triple paradox11 of Mr. Washington’s position. He contended that Washington’s silence and submission concern ing the civil and political rights of the Negro, in the hopes of gaining more economic opportunity had not resulted as Washington predicted. The actual results were the dis franchisement of the Negro, the creation of a distinct ^ I b i d . , Unpublished. 46 status of civil inferiority, and the withdrawal of aid from institutions of higher learning for Negroes. While these things were not a direct result of Washington*s teachings, his social attitude helped their speedier ac complishment. Du Bois raises the question, "Is it possible . • . that men can make effective progress in economic lines if they are deprived of political rights, made a servile caste, and allowed only the most meager chance for the developing their exceptional men?"I1 Du Bois holds that what Washington failed to under stand was the connection between industrial education and the labor movement. The Tuskegee founder*sidea was to develop skilled labor under a regime of benevolent capi talism. Out of wages he hoped the black laborer could save enough money to develop Negro capitalist who would hire black laborers. Washington failed to realize the im possibility of labor accumulating enough capital to com pete with great monopolies. Skills and techniques change so rapidly that no industrial school can predict what will be required to morrow. Mass production rapidly makes skills and techni cal operations obsolete. Hampton has abandoned its in dustrialism entirely and is wondering what to do with its industrial equipment. llw. p. 51. E. B. Du Bois, Hie Souls of Black Polk. 47 Summary. Washington*s educational philosophy was evolved from his experience at Hampton, his keen analysis of the basic needs of his people, and his reaction against the educational formalism of his day. He realized that the undeveloped material resources of the South offered oppor tunities to the person skilled along agricultural and in dustrial lines. The curriculum at luskegee was set up to enable the Negro to grasp the opportunities in his com munity. Washington tried to change the South*s prevail ing idea that manual labor was degrading, by teaching the dignity a n d -worth of work. He believed industrial train ing was the best means of bridging the transition from the feudal regime to that of the wage earning system. Wash ington refuted the accusations that industrial education was class education by pointing out that the mastery of agriculture, mechanics, and other industries required the study of such branches of knowledge as chemistry, mathe matics, etc. The Tuskegee educator firmly believed that a school which merely turned out ladies and gentlemen un prepared to earn a livelihood, was impractical and vision ary. Du Bois contends that the complexity of our civili zation makes it absolutely necessary to stress higher edu cation. In order to obtain a true perspective of the world 48 situation in general and the particular place of the American Negro in this complex setting, the brighter Negro minds must be trained broadly. Social statesmen must be produced who understand the complete situation and can work out a way to extricate the Negro from the humiliating and degrading position he is forced to occupy today. ' Both educators were sincere. Each wished to uplift / /his race, but each differed as to the methods that bring [the desired results CHAPTER IV THE INFLUENCE OF THE CONCEPTS OF WASHINGTON AND DU BOIS From the biographical sketch, it is to be gleamed that Washington lived in a world of action. Be lost him self in a great cause for the benefit of others. I. WASHINGTON, THE ACTIVE MAN Washington was an extremely active person--a doer of things. He felt, that only through the struggle to surmount difficulties, that races, like individuals, were made strong. Hard problems were a challenge to his tireless energy. He considered it a privilege to live in an age where perplexing problems had to be met. As he so aptly put it, tfI would not care to live in a period where there was no part of the human family to be helped up or no wrongs to be r i g h t e d . I n addition to being a man of action, he was an opportunist grasping .every possible opportunity to advance the Tuskegee experiment. The Tuskegee experiment. Tuskegee Institute was es tablished by an act passed by the legislature of Alabama in 1880. An annual appropriation of <f2000 for teachers* salaries ■^B. T. Washington, The Negro in the South, p. 40 50 was made at that time. During the first ten years of its existence, a large part of the time and energy of the Tuskegee school was spent in convincing the students, their parents, and the white and colored population of the North and South, of the value of industrial education ♦ . . The educational creed was based on the dignity of labor. The founder of Tuskegee was convinced that the group would prosper if it learned to dignify labor and put brains and skill into the common occupations of life. was emphasized; service was stressed. Thoroughness Tuskegee fostered the spirit of cooperation among all groups. In his famous speech at Atlanta, Washington cried out in spirit as well as words, "Cast down your buckets where you are. Cast them down in making friends In every honorable way of the people of all races by whom you are surrounded.” From the very start Washington sought to make Tuskegee a community project. The extension courses endeavored to meet the needs of Negroes beyond the direct atmosphere of the class room. These courses dealt with such matters as agriculture, health, religion and business. The agricultural activity grew out of a conference called by Booker Washington to consider the needs of the black farmers. As an outgrowth of this innovation in southern Negro education, an Annual Farmers* Conference was organized. Each year this conference ^B. T. Washington, "Twenty-Five Years of Tuskegee," W orld1s W o r k , 11:7434, April, 1906. 51 attracts large numbers of southern farmers and their wives, who. gather at Tuskegee to learn better methods of farming, and of improving their living conditions in general. It was Booker Washington who induced George Washington Carver, a graduate of Iowa State Agricultural College, to head the agricultural department of Tuskegee. By 1915 Tuskegee was carrying on more than twenty- five different extension activities. Besides the Annual Farmers1 Conference, Negro Health Week and the Negro Busi ness League are some of the agencies functioning today. fhe expansion of the fuskegee experiment. In 1881 when Tuskegee Normal and Industrial Institute first opened its door, there was practically no school in Alabama, Missis sippi, Georgia, Florida, Louisiana, South Carolina, or Texas, that devoted much attention to industrial education. Within a quarter of a century the . . . demand for industrial schools all over the North and South, not merely for colored students but for white also, has grown to such an extent that it may be said that a permanent idea of popular education had been brought about.^ This type of training for Negroes was introduced at Hampton. Tuskegee was an outgrowth of Hampton. Sporadic T. Washington, "Twenty-five Years of Tuskegee,11 WorldTs Work, 11:7434. 52 growths sprang up in the form of institutes founded by Tuskegee graduates. Soon after the turn of the century the following schools were founded: _ Mt. Meigs Institute, Waugh, Alabama; Snow Hill Institute, Snow Hill, Alabama; Vorhees Industrial School, Denmark, South Carolina; East Tennessee Normal and Industrial Institute, Mississippi; and Christianburg Institute, Cambria, Virginia. The founding of these various schools indicated how the Tuskegee experiment expanded throughout the South. II. DU BOIS, THE THOUGHTFUL MAH W. E. Burghardt Du Bois is a scholar whose thoughtful mind is kept refreshed by constant research. The late Kelly Miller regarded the Atlanta professor as a type of per son particularly fitted for a lifetime of research. Miller expressed the viewpoint in Race Adjustment that it was large ly due to the subtle influence of Monroe Trotter that Du Bois turned from research to launch upon a program of organizing movements. Organization of movements. In August, 1905, Du Bois started an organization known as the "Niagara Movement.11 The twenty^-nine men who met at Niagara Falls were representa tive of a number of colored people who were concerned about the future of the Negro, and had misgivings concerning the 53 larger import of the Washington program. Just two years previous Du Bois had published, The Souls of Black F olk, in which one of the chapters leveled criticism against the policies of Mr* Washington* The manifesto of the Niagara Movement declared its aims to be: freedom of speech and press, the abolition of caste based on race and color, the recognition of the practical creed, and a united effort to realize those ideals under wise and courageous leadership* The following year the group met at Harpers Ferry, and in 1907 Boston was the meeting place* The lack of co herence was soon apparent and the Niagara Movement as such declined* It did not fail entirely as it paved the way for the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People. This movement again centered attention upon the Atlantic professor* In 1910, Du Bois left Atlanta Uni versity to become director of publicity and research for the NAACP. In such a position he founded its official organ, The Crisis * acting in the capacity of editor from November, 1910 to July, 1934*. During those twenty-four years his editorials constantly protested against the dis crimination practiced upon the' Negro. He bent his efforts 54 to the vindication of the black man's right to the full heri tage of American citizenship* In the initial publication of The Crisis in 1910, Du Bois*s editorial stated: The object of this publication is to set forth those facts and arguments which show the danger of race prejudice, particularly as mani fested today toward colored people. It takes its name from the fact that the editors believe that this is a critical time in the history of the advancement of men* Catholicy and toler ance, reason and forbearance can today make the world-old dream of human brotherhood approach realization; while bigotry and prejudice empha sizes race consciousness and force can repeat the awful history of contact of nation and groups In the past* We strive for this higher and broader vision of Peace and Good Will. It may well be said that the platform of the NAACP was enunciated by Du Bois!s first editorial* During his editorship the masses were kept informed of racial discrim ination in theaters, parks, courts, educational institutions, etc. The initial editorial likewise sounded the need for an international movement. Less than a decade later Du Bois founded and called together the Pan-African Congress. Repre sentatives from the darker races throughout the world answered the call. Congress declared that the The Pan-African recog nition of the absolute equality of races was the founding stone for world peace and human advancement. ♦ . . while no one denies the great difference of gift, capacity, and attainment among individuals of all races, the voice of science denies the ex istence of superior or inferior races, That in the vast range of time, one group should in its industrial technique lag a few hundred years behind another, or forge fitfully ahead, or come to differ in thought, is a proof of the essential richness and variety of human nature.^ The Spingarn medal was awarded to Du Bois June 1, 1920, for his achievements in connection with the Pan-African Con gress. This medal is presented annually to the American Ne gro who has made the greatest contribution to society the pre ceding year. Through his writings, appearances upon the lecture plat form, publication of The Crisis, and the general dissemina tion of ideas through the channel of over three hundred branches of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, Du Bois was in a key position to bring the Negro group his educational and cultural concepts. ^Shifting opinions! In recent years Du Bois has been yC/J* accused of reversing his basic principles and ideals concern ing segregation and racial equality. Hd-s— resignation--from— the edj-to r ship_-.of-_The— Cri-sl.s~gav.ejJ.de_pub 1 i city_ to ,such a eon. Because of a preponderance of conflicting opinions upon this point, it would be well to carefully examine the E. B. Du Bois, Congress," The Crisis, May, 1921. "Manifesto of the Second Pan-A 56 facts. Du Bois*s basic theory has been that race prejudice was primarily a matter of ignorance; that when the truth was revealed the monstrous wrong of race hate would disappear. On thx-s-Ha-o-xnt he saxs.r ^hen I went to Atlanta University to teach M.n 1897 . . . I said confidently that the basic ^TQblem is our racial ignoranpe-and lack of cultureV-^That once Negroes know civilization and whites know^ifegrQes, the" problem is solved. This proposition is stili<true, but the solution is much further away" ' t h a n ' -.youth dreamed. Negroes are still ignorant, but the^dis concerting thing is that whiire people on the who 1e^a're-..just as much opposed to Negroes of education and culture . . . -perhaps more so.5 In ^ 9 ^ 8 ‘^Bu^Boi"S"'"was^ihv'ftb'd~to,^v'i‘Sit"“Rus‘si'a . In -the proferaih,‘“'ofrrbhe UBBR^he—reoegniz ed -the • slmllaf ity-ilf"his~~fight for, the^teck^fBrF"of"15he'"Uhrte"d~"3tates. The influence of the world-wide depression caused the keen mind of Du Bois to carefully reflect on the economic situation that confronted the American Negro. Hbxdescribes h i s ‘reactions thus: Gradually it downed upon me ♦ . what the essential change in the worid-'iiad been since the first World War and depression; and how the tactics of those who iive^for the widest devel opment of men must change accordingly. It is not simply a m a t t e d o f a\diange in ideals, but even more of jP'-decisive chkpge in the methods by which ideals are to be appa^oximated. As I now looJMSack, I see In the crusade waged by the^NAiCCP from 1910 to 1930, one of the finest efforts to achieve human emancipation . . . . % . E. B. Du Bois, 11The Anti-Segregation Campaign,*1 The Crisis, p. 182, June, 1934. 57 BtfB^isfeQ^essential difficulty with the liberalism of the twen-tieih_ century w a t o - ' - ' r e ^ l T z ' e the fundarnentjy,_rha*^^:;%ro^^ by the woridwide""organization of work and tr ad“e ^ n d ^ o m m e r c e . Du £0is concluded that since the economic situation of the world had changed so completely, the policies of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, likewise must be modified and revised. However, the board of directors of the NAACP did not share his conviction or concur with the change of policy Du Bois wished to put in eff ect . A -tenso-.ahducon^aAiifei^_Mjbnatlon^row7~ii^"chr t er - minated~'"±n^li^rehignat-ion-of..,-the,.~e.ditor of The. Crisis in JuAy~,_193 4 • Du B oisTs agitation for a planned economic program for the v/elfare of the Negro, regardless of whether or not it involved segregation, made him the brunt of a great deal of criticism. He was accused of swerving from his non-compromis ing position, repudiating his ideals, surrendering his life long objectives, and advocating segregation. He-speaks— for hima^lf'-'d.ri^hi'S“~for-thcomi-ng--pub-l.io.a.t..ion_in_±hia_manne r : Bw. E. B. Du Bois, Dusk of D a w n , p. 224. 58 It was clear to me that the agitation agaihs-trace prejudice, and a planned economy for the bettering of the economic condition of the American Negro, were j>o^r"antagonistic ideals but part"of one ide-^1; that It did not increase segregation; the segregation was there and would'^remain for many years* But now 1 proposed that in economic lines • • . segregation should be planned and or ganized,*" . . . This plan did not establish a new ‘segregation; it did not advocate segre gation as the final solution of the race prob lem.? Du Bois*s eternal goal has always been the abolition of the color line, I'v V 'K a— careful- review,_af--the-'“fae'te— -reveal T that- he has neither repudiated his ideals, nor swerved from his lifelong objective. Du Bois has merely changed his technique. In the 1934, issue of The Crisis, he described how obsolete methods of warfare have been superseded by newer techniques. Just as it is necessary to use different methods today to win a war, than in the past, it is equally essential that the Negro must employ different methods to win his battle today against caste and segregation. The so-called shifting opin ions of Dr. Du Bois concern changes in methods and techniques for reaching the goal, and not changes in the goal itself. In—the..„.words ,_o_f__the first laay of America: *7Ibid., p. 238 59 . . . one--4ias to face the world as it is and, without dis^r.ding-.--oneJ-s^ideals, meet the reali-tie'S"'"of the^dayy and keep on working fo^^f/Hat one hopes will Be a better future.° Du Bois, himself, protests against the misconception concerning his emphasis on a different technique in this stinging retort: It was astonishing and disconcerting . . that this change of my ^emphasis was crassly^-axid stupidly misinterpreted by Negroes, ^pp-ro.priating^as their own . . . my long insistenpe^p self-respect and selfassertion and^tlie demand,..for every equality on the pao?t^of the Negro, they^ seemed determined-to insist my newer emphasiV'Was a re p u t a t i o n of the older . . . .9 III. CONTRASTING SOCIAL ATTITUDES ^y the type of work carried on by these two men it was necessary that they present their concepts to the general public. We find that in the method of presentation there was a great similarity. Washington spent a great deal of time in interpreting the Negro to the South and the South to the needs of the Negro. This was by newspapers, magazines, and educationa-speaking tours. Du Bois wrote and spoke but sought to influence persons capable of reinterpreting his concepts. Washington said that a great deal of political agita tion drew the attention of his people away from the fundamental ^Eleanor Roosevelt, uMy Day,” Toledo Blade, May 16, 1940. ^W. E. B. Du Bois, Dusk of D a w n , p. 240. 60 matter of perfecting themselves in various industries and in securing property. Brains, property, and character for the Negro will settle the question of civil rights. The best course to pursue in regard to the civil rights bill in the South is to let it alone; let it alone and it will settle itself. Good school teachers and plenty of money to pay them will be more potent in settling the race question than any civil rights bill.l^ Even Du Bois admits that the task of gaining the cooperation of the various elements in the white South was a tremendous let it undertaking at the time Tuskegee was was done in the speech at Atlanta: founded, ”ln all things purely social we can be as separate as the five fingers, and yet one as the hand in all things necessary to mutual progress.11 This speech changed the status of Mr. Washington from an obscure country principal to an educator of national and international significance. The South interpreted it in different ways: The radicals received it as a complete surrender of the demand for civil and political equality; the conservatives, as a generously conceived working basis for mutual understanding. So both approved it, and today its author is certainly the most distinguished Southerner since Jeffer son Bavis, and the one with the largest personal following. l^B. T. Washington, ’’Educational Outlook in the South,” delivered before the National Educational Association, July 16, 1884. Hw. E. B. Du Bois, The Souls of Black Folk, p. 43. 61 Du Bois, apparently has never clamored for a large personal following. He stressed the importance of creating and keeping alive an ideal. That ideal as often uttered in the editorials of The Crisis is: nThe NAACP neither slumbers nor sleeps but keeps its God-appointed task of making every black slave • . • dissatisfied with his slavery and every white slave-driver conscious of his guilt.11 The answer Du Bois may give to the following questions need not be set forth for from the expression above the at titude is impelling. He inquired, Why is it that only Ne groes should give up the right to vote? Why is it that only Negroes should not organize for self-defense against mobs? Why is it that only Negroes must be meek and wait and wait? He maintains that the race must never swerve from its goal: the right to vote, the right to stand as men among other men. He said that silent submission to civic inferior ity renders the Negro helpless to protect his rights. While Washington stressed emphasizing economic progress with little or no regard to political or civic agitation, Du Bois un ceasingly contended that economic progress was commensurate with the exercise of civic and political rights. 62 Chapter summary. Washington was constantly in action. The greater part of his time was spent in making educational tours, raising funds for his institution, writing for publi cation, and planning for the future of Tuskegee. From a delapidated shanty and church in 1881, Tuskegee has enlarged its plant to over a hundred modern buildings. Other indus trial schools, many of them founded by Tuskegee graduates, are scattered throughout the South carrying on the spirit of Tuskegee. Du Bois figured prominently in the organization of the Niagara Movement, the NAACP, and the Pan-African Congress. He founded The Crisis and was its editor for almost a quarter of a century. He still clings tenaciously to his earlier ideals, regardless of the misconception that he has repudiated them. He advocates a change in technique because he is con vinced that the methods that served in the past have become outmoded. He realizes the futility of using the same methods in a changed world. He denies the accusations of the surren der of his goal and answers his critics in his forthcoming fall publication Dusk of Pawn. CHAPTER V SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS I. SUMMARY V X To fully understand the educational philosophy o f \ . ^ Du Bois and Washington, it is necessary to consider their \ background, and the forces that impelled and impeded their 9 K Ajo SQ f>Vy forward march. J / In short the educational /'concepts of the s e / two men are the sum total of their personalities. -' — -We""observe that Washington was born at a period^of United States history when the economic frontier was being shaken by the impendingCivil War. The South clinging to its time worn slave system and -seeking to insure its perpe-tua-tieh-.~~Into X h i s seething internals,s.trife, a boy of mi'xed“ p"arentage~~sought~”to' "find "hi"S“*'nlehe.--^.Manual labor -was— hi s— lot -a s— a--child,' with"'xn^ln'termi''tt ent S'fflattering o f -educa-ti-on-afte r~.emancipation • Possessed by an impelling desire for individual improvement, he left his drab surroundings in West Virginia and went to Hampton. So outstanding were his qualities that he was recommended to answer the call from Tuskegee. At Tuskegee he was faced with a group of freed slaves and their children. Although they had contributed their share to the growth of the South, they were disinherited and penniless members of the southern community. Washington had 64 to sell himself to this group and instill within them a d e M r e to regard their labor as a badge of dignity. As to the dominant group the efficacy of industrial education had to be convincingly demonstrated. Even after hard work and patience, the task at times seemed almost unsurmountable Fortunately, Washington possessed a working knowledge of the psychology of the South and had made use of it long before his speech at Atlanta. The Tuskegee experiment served to fill the gap between slavery and economic freedom. Its curriculum of industrial training was designated to serve a primitive society, to lessen racial prejudice, to raise labor from the ranks of drudgery to a plane of dignity. Washington asserted that such qualities together with lessons in thrift, industry, and community cooperation were of more immediate concern than the acquisition of political and civic rights. The Tuskegee founder believed that political rights, and other privileges would result from proving economic worth. As long as a group or individual occupied a low economic status, other things must necessarily be remote. Washington*s educational experiment focused the at tention of the nation upon the needs of the recently eman cipated group. He became the official spokesman for that group. Early in the twentieth century, another group, led by 65 W.E.B. Du Bois took exception to the broader import of his industrial policy. When the complete history of Negro America is written, the name of W.E.B. Du Bois will occupy a special place of honor. Born a few years after the termination of the Civil War, his early life was spent like that of many other New England youths. For over thirty years he has sought to instill his educational philosophy. Delving into the rich background of African tribes, through the new world slave system, and finally to physical freedom, Du Bois has sought the clue that would lead the Negro to final and complete emanicipation. The denial of political, civil-, and cultural rights and privileges to a group on the superficial basis 'of color was a challenge to Du Bois to take a definite, unrelenting, and uncompromising stand. To eventually abolish the color line, the talented few must be broadly educated to provide leadership for the Negro masses. These leaders must be so cial statesman, so trained as to interpret the trends of civilization and work out a solution for the Negro’s future. At Atlanta University Du Bois strives to aid in the % development of su ch _lead.enship . — — __________q J) i The lives of these two men clearly indicate many of ^ the ideals necessary to make this world a place where all may enjoy those inalienable rights dear to all. Then there will be the brotherhood of man and the fatherhood of G-od. / An enumeration of the educational concepts of these two prominent educators will show the salient points of their respective philosophies. Industrial training is important because: 1. It begins at the bottom and expands as the group expands. It fits the individual to do the tabks that are open to him in his community. 3. It develops social responsibility. 4. It teaches thrift, enonomy and the dignity of labor. It creates a feeling of self-reliance and independence. 6. It helps to cement the friendship of the two races in the South as economic worth will lessen prejudice against the Negro. 7. It is definite and practical. It teaches the common and familiar things of life that everyone needs to know. 9. It helps the Negro to knit himself in the agricultural and industrial life of the South. 10. It prepares every individual to render use ful service to the community. 67 DU BOIS* S EDUCATIONAL CONCEPTS . j ^ y** $ © / $ University training is essential because; 1. Education begins at the top and filters down. 2. The first step in the lifting of the submerged masses is through the broad training of the talented few. Negroes must be broadly trained so as to become intelligent leaders. 4. Intelligent leaders are essential to scientifi cally guide the future of the American Negro. 5. It is the correct agency for training Negroes with ability to use the social forces of their group to stamp out crime, life morals, streng then the home etc. Negroes must apply the general principles of knowledge to the particular circumstances of their condition. 7. The curriculum of the Negro University should be built around the problems of Negroes. ^8^) The welfare of the segregated public school system in the South depends upon Negroes of higher training. 9. Negro leaders must understand the real plight of their group and how to proceed to work out a solution. 10. Negro leaders must be educated to recognize the great forces of civilization, and where civilization is tending* — Du--Bofs-'-and~^-ashinghon point^fi out the— shosMre-eift&s&e in eaeh educational^,!^?as • O'* sssysa(m S ^ D il.^rBdljL_criticiz-od indu stri al training because: 1. The methods and techniques rapidly become ob solete • 2. It centered its attention on economic well being and forgot freedom, manhood .and equality* 3. It tended to perpetuate present social conditions 4. It was linked with a program of submission and silence in regard to civil and political rights* 5. It trained men as a subject caste to be thought for and to be lead* 6* It fostered the erroneous idea that economic well being would solve the Negro1s problem. Washington criticized university training because: 1. Its students know books but they do not know men. 2. Its students live too much in the past* 3. Dreamers rather than doers result. 4. The accumulation of facts that are acquired are often not pointed in a definite direction that bears on the present needs of the Negro. 5. It deals almost wholly with abstract principles. The study of Du Bois and Washington gives a view of 69 both sides of industrial and university education, II. CONCLUSIONS Both Washington and Du Bois have made a valuable cbhtribution, not only to Negro education but to the field of educational philosophy in general. Each educator desired to advance the Negro group. Washington believed that industrial education was the best place to start; Du Bois felt that the lifting of the group must start with the development of trained leadership. Washington spent his life building Tuskegee; Du Bois devoted his life to The Crisis and Atlanta University. Washington tried to win recognition for the Negro by demonstrating economic worth; Du Bois demanded such as a matter of human justice. Industrial education has bridged the gap from alavery to freedom, it has enabled the Negro to grasp the opportuni ties of the South, and it has helped race relations. This program was constructive but it did make concessions on fundamental Issues. There is always danger' in making even strategic concessions where fundamental principles are Involved. The university has produced an enlightened Negro leadership 'which has surpassed any other country in the world. 70 N Yet neither the industrial school nor the institu tions of higher learning has reached it's goal. The indus trial school has not been able to effectively put the Negro worker in touch with the labor movement of the white world; the Negro college has not succeeded in establishing an ideal of group leadership. Washington was not opposed to higher education, but he felt industrial education would serve the needs of a large number of Negroes more effectively. Du Bois was not opposed to industrial education, for in 1903 he remarked that there was between the Negro college and the industrial school the strongest grounds of cooperation. I ^ The problems of the Negro are too complex to be solved by any one line of procedure. There is no panacea for the-' solution of Negro education. Every educator should be familiar with the educational contribution Dr. Washington and Dr. Du Bois have made. Al though their concepts on two different phases of iducation has been a great contribution to the educational field, the problem of education in general is still a challenge to philosophy. BIBLIOGRAPHY A. BOOKS by 1. Booker T. Washington Washington, Booker T., Character Building* Doubleday, Page and Company, 1903. Hew York: , The Future of the American Hegro* Small, Maynard and Company, 1899. Boston: , The Man Farthest Down* Page and Company, 1912. Doubleday, , Larger Education* and Company, 1911. Hew York: Hew York: , The Hegro in Business. anc[ Company/ 190T. , The Hegro in the South. W. Jacobs and Company, 190V. , Sowing and Reaping. Company, 1900. Doubleday, Page Chicago: Hertel, Jenkins Philadelphia: Boston: George L. C. Page and , The Story of the Hegro. Vols. 1 and 2. Hew York: Association Press, 1909. , Tuskegee and Its People. Author, editor. Hew York: D. Appleton and Company, 1905. , Up From Slavery. and Company, 1901. Hew York: .9 Working with the Hands. Page and Company, 1904. Doubleday, Page Hew York: Doubleday, 72 2. W. E. Burghardt Du Bo is Du Bois, W. E. Burghardt, Black Folk: Then and N o w . New Yorkr Henry Holt and Company, 1939. _______ , Black Reconstruction. Brace and Company, 1935. , Darkwater. 1920. New York: New York: Harcourt, Harcourt, Brace and Horne, , Dusk of Dawn. New York: Harcourt, Brace and Company, [To be published in fall of 1940). , The Grift of Black Folks. Company, 1924. _______ , The Negro. New York: Boston: Stratford and Henry Holt and Company, 1915. , The Negro in the South. Jacobs and Company, 1907. Philadelphia: _______ , Seven Critiques of Negro Education. _______ , The Souls of Black Folk. and Company, 1903. Chicago: George W. Unpublished to date. A. C. McClurg 3. Opinions of the Contemporaries of Washington Abbott, Lyman E . , Silhouettes of My Contemporaries. Garden City, New YorlEl Doubleday, Page and Company, 1922. Brawley, Benjamin, The Negro Genius. and Company, 1937• New York: — Dodd, Mead Drinkwater, Frederick E., editor, Booker T. Washington. Memorial edition; Drinker, 1915. "Entered according to act of Congress by Geo. W. Bertron, in the office of the librarian of Congress, at Washington, D. C. Eddy, Sherwood, and Kirby Page, Makers of Freedom. George H. Doran Company, 1926. New York: Hubbard, Elbert, Little Journeys to the Homes of Great Teachers. -New York: William H. Wise ancT Company, 1916. Scott, Emmett J., Booker T. Washington, Builder of Civilization. New York: •Doubleday, Page and Company, 1916. 73 Stokes, Anson Phelps, A Brief Biography of Booker T. Washing ton. Hampton Institute Press, 1936. Washington, E. Davidson, Editor, Selected Speeches of Booker T. Washington. Hew York: Doubleday, Page and“7Tompany, Inc., 1932. 4. Opinions of Du Boisfs Contemporaries Allen, Devere, Adventurous Americans. Rinehart, 1932. Brawley, Benjamin, The Negro Genius. and Company, 1937. 5. New York: New York: Farrar and Dodd, Mead General Brawley, Benjamin, A Short History of the American Negro. New York: Macmillan Company, 1939. Embree, Edwin R., Brown America. 1931. New York: The Viking Press, Hacker, Henrick, The United States Since 1865. F. S. Crofts and Company, 1934. New York: Johnson, Charles S., The Negro in American Civilization. York: Henry Holt and Company, 1930. Johnson, James Weldon, Negro Americanst What Now? The Viking Press, 1934. Locke, Alain, The New Negro. 1925. New York: Miller, Kelly, Race Adjustment. House, 1910. Nearing, Scott, Black America. New York: New York: Albert & Charles Boni, New York: Moton, Robert R., What the Negro Thinks. Doran and Company, Inc., 1929. New Neal Publishing New York: Doubleday, Vanguard Press, 1929. Randall, J. G., The Civil War and Reconstruction. D. C. Heath and Company, 1937. Woodson, Carter G., The Negro in Our History. Associated Publishers, 1931. New York: Washington: 74 B. PERIODICALS t>y 1. Booker T. Washington Washington, Booker T., "Fruits of Industrial Training," Atlantic Monthly, 92:453-62. , "The Wakening of the Negro," Atlantic Monthly, 7^:322-28. , "Educational Possibilities of Negroes," The Arena, “ “ST:455-8. , "Heroes in Black Sins," Century, 66:724. ,_______ , "Signs of Progress Among Negroes," Century, 66:724. , "Problems in Education," Cosmopolitan, 33:506. , "Economic Work of the Negro," Current Literature, 32:85. , "Observations and Comparisons Abroad," Independent, 55:2728-30. , "The American Negro and Economic Value," International Monthly, 2:672-86. , "The Future of Negroes," National Review, 10:16. , "Negro Enterprise," Outlook, 77:115-18. , "Problems of Negroes," Popular Science Monthly, 55:317. , "The National Negro Business League," World’s Work, TT2671-75. , "Observations on Negro Colleges," World’s Work, 21:14230-8. , "The Salvation of the Negro," World’s W o r k , 2:961-71. , "The Successful Training of Negroes," World1s Work, "573731-51 • , "Twenty-Five Years of Tuskegee," World’s Work, 11:7433-50. ’ ~ 75 2• W. E. Burghardt Du Bois Du Bois, W. E. Burghardt, Monthly, 87:354-65. "The Freedmen’s Bureau," Atlantic , "Strivings of Negro People," Atlantic Monthly, 80:194. _______ , "Training of Black Men," Atlantic Monthly, 90:289-97. , "Atlanta Library Refused to Negroes," Independent, , "The Burden of Negro Schooling," Independent, 53:1667-68. , "Credo," Independent, 57:787. , "What Intellectual Training is Doing for the Negro," MTssionary Review of the World, 27:578-82. , "How Negroes Have Taken Advantage of Education Oppor tunities Offered by Friends," Journal of Negro Education, 6:124-131. , "Social Planning for the Negro," Journal of Negro Education, 4:110-125. , "Training the Negro for Social Power," The Outlook, T¥: 410• ' , Editorials, The Crisis, November,- 1910, to July, 1934. 3. General Calverton, V. P.., "The Negro1s New Belligerent Attitude," Current History, 30:1081-88. Frissell, H. B., "What Industrial Education is Doing for the~^__ Negro," Missionary Review, 27:578-82. Howells, William Dean, "Exemplary Citizen," North American Review, 88:280. Patterson, Fred D., "Avenues of Redirection in Vocational Edu cation," Journal of Negro Education, 4:495-501. Seligmann, Herbert J., "The Niagara Movement," Current History, 29:614-21.